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LINCOLN ROOM 

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 




MEMORIAL 

the Class of 1901 

founded by 

HARLAN HOYT HORNER 

and 

HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER 



LIFE OF 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN 



/ 




RARY FREE 



Having procured this Boole FREE, it is only necessary for us 
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I :fa «f r.anrn-a Wochinirtftii By QEORQE WASHINQTON PARKE 

Lite or ueorge nasningion custis and charles walter 

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lifa nt Ahi-Qham \inrn\n By JOSEPH H. BARRETT and CHARLES 

Lite Ot ADranani Lincoln Walter brown, a. m. cioth. xhis is 

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I ita nf W T Ctiormon By HON. W. FLETCHER JOHNSON and 

Lite Ot w. I. ^nernian charles walter brown, a. m. cioth. 

Being a graphic history of his career in war and peace; his romantic youth; 
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CHICAGO 





7^/-^9?^^e.<^iy^ 




LIFE OF 



Abraham Lincoln 



His Early History, Political Career, Speeches in 
and out of Congress, together with many 
Characteristic Stories and Yarns 
by and concerning Lincoln 
which has Earned for 
him the Sobri- 
quet — 

"The Story Telling President' 



BY 

JOSEPH H. BARRETT 

AND 

CHARLES WALTER BROWN, A. M. 



FUULY ILLUSTRATED. 



VOSBRINK MERCANTILE CO., 
CHICAGO. 



Copyright 1902 

M. A. DoNOHUE & Co. 

Chicago. 



BBtlJ^ 



CONTENTS. 

Chapter I. 
Lincoln's Early Boyhood In Kentucky and Indiana.. 15 

Chapter II. 
First Years In Illinois— 1830-34 25 

Chapter III. 
Eight Years In The Legislature of Illinois— 1834-41 . . 37 

Chapter IV. 
Elected a Member of Congress 51 

Chapter V. 
Mr. Lincoln In Congress — 1847-49 63 

Chapter VI. 

Professional Life — The Anti-Nebraska Canvass — 1849- 
1854 87 

Chapter VII. 
The Lincoln-Douglas Campaign of 1858 105 

Chapter VIII. 
Speeches of 1859-60 137 

Chapter IX. 

Mr. Lincoln's Nomination for the Presidency 149 

5 



6 Contexts. 

Chapter X. 

Commencement of President Lincoln's First Adminis- 
tration 157 

Chapter XI. 
Mr. Lincoln's First Message 175 

Chapter XII. 
Mr. Lincoln's Messages and Speeches 199 

Chapter XIII. 
The Peninsular Campaign 231 

Chapter XIV. 
A New Era Inaugurated 245 

Chapter XV. 
The Popular Voice in 1863 277 

Chapter XVI. 
President Lincoln Re-nominated 317 

Chapter XVII. 
President Lincoln's Last Annual Message and Second 
Inaugural 341 

Chapter XVIII. 
Last Days of President Lincoln 383 

Chapter XIX. 
Characteristic Stories by and Concerning Abraham 
Lincoln 399 



INTRODUCTION. 



The ancestors of Abraham Lincoln were of English 
descent. We find the earUest definite traces of them in 
Berke county, Pennsylvania, though this was almost cer- 
tainly not the first place of their residence in this country. 
Their location, and their adherence to the Quaker faith 
make it probable that the original emigration occurred 
under the auspices of William Penn. It was doubtless 
a branch of the same family that, leaving England under 
different religious impulses, but with the same adventurous 
and independent spirit, settled, at an earlier date, in Old 
Plymouth Colony. The separation may possibly have 
taken place this side of the Atlantic, and not beyond. 
Some of the same traits appear conspicuously in both 
these family groups. One tradition indeed affirms that 
the Pennsylvania branch was transplanted from Hingham, 
Massachusetts, and was derived from a common stock with 
General Benjamin Lincoln, of Revolutionary fame. There 
is a noticeable coincidence in the general prevalence, in 
each American branch, of Scriptural names in christening — 
the Benjamin, Levi and Ezra, of Massachusetts, having 
their counterpart in the Abraham, Thomas, and Josiah, 
of Virginia and Kentucky. The peculiarity is one to have 
been equally expected among sober Friends, and among 
zealous Puritans. 

Berks county was not very long the home of Mr. Lin- 
coln's immediate progenitors. There can hardly have 

7 



8 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

been more than a slender pioneer settlement there, when 
one or more of the number made another remove, not far 
from the year 1750, to what is now Rockingham county, 
Virginia. Old Berks was first settled about 1734 — then, 
too, as a German colony — and was not organized as a 
county until 1752; before which date, according to family 
traditions, this removal to Virginia took place. 

This, it will be observed, was pre-eminently a pioneer 
stock, evidently much in love with backwoods adventure, 
and constantly courting the dangers and hardships of 
forest life. 

Rockingham county, Virginia, though situated in the 
beautiful valley of the Shenandoah, and inviting, by its 
natural resources, the advances of civilization, must never- 
theless have been, at the time just mentioned, in the very 
heart of the wilderness. Now, it is one of the most produc- 
tive counties of Virginia, having exceeded every other 
county in the State, according to the census of 1850, in its 
crops of wheat and hay. A branch of the family, it is un- 
derstood, still remains there, to enjoy the benefits of so 
judicious a selection, and of the labors and imperfectly re- 
quited endurances of those first settlers. 

From this locality, about the year 1782, Abraham Lin- 
coln, grandfather of him who was to make the name illus- 
trious, started Westward across the Alleghanies, attracted 
by the accounts which had reached him of the wonderfully 
fertile and beautiful country explored by Daniel Boone, 
on and near the Kentucky river. During all his lifetime, 
hitherto, he could have known little of any other kind of 
existence than that to which he had been educated as an 
adventurous frontiersman. The severe labor of preparing 
the heavily-timbered lands of Shenandoah for cultivation, 
the wild delights of hunting the then abundant game of the 
woods, and the exciting hazards of an uncertain warfare 



Life op Abraham Lincoln. 9 

with savage enemies, had been almost the sole occupation 
of his rough and healthful life. Perhaps the settlements 
around him had already begun to be too far advanced for 
the highest enjoyment of his characteristic mode of living; 
or possibly, with others, he aspired to the possession of 
more fertile fields, and to an easier subsistence. Whatever 
the reason, he set out at the time just stated, with his wife 
and several young children, on his long journey across the 
mountains, and over the broad valleys intervening between 
the Shenandoah and the Kentucky. 

At this date, and for ten or twelve years later, the present 
State of Kentucky formed part of the old Commonwealth 
of Virginia. "The dark and bloody ground, " as afterward 
named for better reasons than the fiction which assigns this 
meaning to its Indian appellation, had then been but re- 
cently entered upon by the white man. Its first explorer, 
Daniel Boone, whose very name suggests a whole world of 
romance and adventure, had removed, when a mere boy 
among the earlier emigrants from Eastern Peimsylvania, 
to Berlcs county. Here he must have been a contemporary 
resident, and was perhaps an acquaintance, of some of 
the younger members of the Lincoln family. At all events, 
as substantially one of their own neighbors, they must have 
watched his later course with eager interest, and sympathy, 
and caught inspiration from his exploits. At eighteen, 
Boone had again emigrated with his father, as before, to the 
banks of the Yadkin, a mountain river in the northwest of 
North Carolina, at just about the same date as the removal 
of the Lincolns to Virginia. Some years later, Boone, in 
liis hunting excursions, had passed over and admired large 
tracts of the wilderness north of his home, and especially 
along a branch of the Cumberland river, within the limits 
of what is now Kentucky. It was not until 1769, however, 
that, with five associates, he made the thorough explora- 



10 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

tion of the Kentucky valley, which resulted in the sub- 
sequent settlements there. The glowing descriptions, 
which ultimately got abroad, of the incredible richness and 
beauty of these new and remote forest-climes of Trans- 
Alleghanian Virginia, and of their alluring hunting-grounds, 
must have early reached the ears of the boyhood-com- 
panions of Daniel Boone, and spread through the neigh- 
boring country. The stirring adventures of the pioneer 
hero, during the next five or six years, and the beginnings 
of substantial settlements in that far-west country, must 
have suggested new attractions thitherward, to the more 
active and daring spirits, whose ideal of manhood Boone , 
so nearly approached. 

From the borders, in various directions, hundreds of 
miles away, emigration had now begun. These recruits 
were from that class of hardy frontiersmen most inured to 
the kind of toils they were to encounter anew in the 
Kentucky forests. They went forward, fearless of the 
dangers to be encountered from the numerous bands of 
Indians already re-commencing hostilities, after a tempor- 
ary pacification. Here was a common territory and place 
of meeting for the tribes, both of the North and the South, 
and here, before and after this date, there were many ex- 
citing adventures and deadly conflicts with these savages, 
whose favorite haunts had been thus imceremoniously in- 
vaded. 

It was not far from the date of the disastrous battle of 
the Lower Blue Licks, in 1782, that the grandfather of 
Abraham Lincoln, with his young family, reached the 
region which had, perhaps, long been the promised land 
of his dreams. The exact place at which he settled is not 
known. According to the family tradition, it was some- 
where on Floyd's creek, supposed to be near its mouth, in 
what is now Bullitt county. On the other hand, in the 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 11 

field-book of Daniel Boone, who was a deputy-surveyor 
under Colonel Thomas Marshall, father of Chief Justice 
Marshall, is the following memorandum: "Abraham 
Lincoln enters 500 acres of land, on a Treasury Warrant — 
No. 5994 — beginning opposite Charles Yancey's upper 
line, on the south side of the river, running south 200 poles, 
then up the river for quantity, 11th December, 1782." 
Yancey's land, as appears from the same book, was on the 
north side of the "main" Licking Creek, as then desig- 
nated. 

The emigrant had made but a mere beginning in his new 
pioneer labors, when, wliile at work one day, at a distance 
from his cabin, unsuspecting of danger, he was killed by 
an Indian, who had stolen upon him unaware. His widow, 
thus suddenly bereaved in a new and strange land, had 
now their three sons and two daughters left to her sole 
protection and care, with probably little means for their 
support. She soon after removed to what became Wash- 
ington county, in the same State, and there reared her 
children, all of whom reached mature age. One of the 
daughters was married to a Mr. Crume, and the other to a 
man named Bromfield. The three sons, named Thomas, 
Mordecai and Josiah, all remained in Kentucky until after 
their majority. 

Thomas Lincoln, one of these sons, was born in 1778, 
while the Revolution was in full sway. He was a mere 
child when his father removed to Kentucky, and was but 
six years old at the time of the latter's death. The date of 
this event was consequently about 1784. Of the early life 
of the orphan boy we have no knowledge, except what can 
be learned of the general lot of his class, and of the habits 
and modes of living then prevalent among the hardy pio- 
neers of Kentucky. These backwoodsmen had an unceas- 
ing round of hard toils, with no immediate reward but a 



12 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

bare subsistence from year to year, and the cheering prom- 
ise of better days in the future. But even their lands, as 
in the case of Boone, they were not always so fortunate as 
to retain in fee. 

More comfortable days and a much improved state of 
things had come before Thomas arrived at maturity; but 
in his boyhood and youth, he must have known whatever 
was worst in the trials and penury of the first generation 
of Kentucky frontiersmen, with few other enjo3Tnents than 
an occasional practice with liis rifle. His training was 
suited to develop a strong, muscular frame, and a rugged 
constitution, with a characteristic quickness of perception 
and promptness of action. The Kentuckian of that and 
•the succeeding generation had generally a tall, stalwart 
frame, a frank and courteous heart, and a humorous and 
slightly quaint turn of speech, a fondness for adventure 
and for the sports of hunting, a manly self-respect, and a 
fearless independence of spirit. 

This generation began its life with the independent ex- 
istence of the nation, and partook largely of the spirit of 
exultant self-confideuce then abroad tlirough the land. 

These were the circumstances and associations under 
which, in those primeval days in Kentucky, Thomas Lin- 
coln passed through the period of boyhood and youth. 
At the date of the political separation from Virginia, in 
1792, and the formation of a now State, tMs orphan boy, 
struggling to aid liis mother in the support of the ill-for- 
tuned family, had reached the age of fourteen. The cur- 
rents of emigration had become enlarged and accelerated 
meantime, until the population was swelled as early as 
1790, to more than 73,000; and during the next ten years 
it was more than trebled, reacliing 220,000. The wilder- 
ness that once was around Boonesborough, Harrodsburg, 
and Lexington, was now blossoming as the rose. Still, how- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 13 

ever, there was ample space unoccupied, within the Umits of 
of the new State, for those who craved the excitements and 
the loneliness of a home in the wilderness. 

In 1806, Thomas Lincoln, being twenty-eight years of 
age, was married to Nancy Hanks, a native of Virginia, and 
settled in what was then Hardin county, Kentucky. It 
does not appear that the parents of Miss Hanks ever re- 
moved to Kentucky, though others of the family did so. 
Of the history of her ancestry, we have no definite particu- 
lars. Her position in life appears to have been not dissim- 
ilar to that of her husband. That she possessed some rare 
qualities of mind and heart, there is reason to believe; 
although dying at an early age, and having, from the time 
of her marriage, passed her days on obscure frontiers, few 
recollections of her remain. These were the parents of 
Abraham Lincoln, the immortal. 



CHAPTER I. 

Lincoln's early boyhood in Kentucky and Indiana. 

Abraham Lincoln was born on the 12th of February, 
1809. The place where his parents resided, is in what is 
now Larne county, about a mile and a half from Hodgen- 
ville, the county-seat, and seven miles from Elizabethtown, 
laid off several years previously, as the county seat of 
Hardin county. He had one sister, two years his senior, 
who grew to womanhood, married and died while yet 
yoimg. He had a brother, two years younger than himself, 
who died in early childhood. Mr. Lincoln remembers 
having visited the now unmarked grave of this little one, 
along with his mother, before leaving Kentucky. These 
were the only children of Thomas Lincoln, either by the 
present or by a subsequent marriage. 

Larne county, named from an early settler, John Larne, 
was set off and separately organized in 1843, the portion 
containing Mr. Lincoln's birthplace having been, up to that 
date, included in Hardin county. It is a rich grazing 
country in its more rolling and hilly parts, and the level 
surface produces good crops of corn and tobacco. In the 
northern borders of the county, on the Rolling Fork of 
Salt river, is Muldrough's Hill, a noted eminence. Hod- 
genville, near wliich Lincoln was born, is a pleasantly situ- 
ated town on Nolin creek, and a place of considerable busi- 
ness. About a mile above this town, on the creek, is a 
mound, or knoll, thirty feet above the banks of the stream, 
containing two acres of level ground, at the top of which 

15 



16 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

there is now a house. Some of the early pioneers en- 
camped on this knoll; and but a short distance from it 
a fort was erected by Philip Phillips, an emigrant from 
Pennsylvania, about 1780 or 1781, near the time Mr. 
Lincoln's ancestor arrived from Mrginia. John Larne 
came from the latter state, mth a company of emigrants, 
and settled at Phillip's Fort. Robert Hodgen, Larne's 
brother-in-law, purchased and occupied the land on which 
Hodgenville is built. 

It is needless to rehearse the kind of life in which Abra- 
ham Lincoln was here trained. The picture is similar in 
all such settlements. In his case, there was indeed the 
advantage of a generation or two of progress, since his 
grandfather had hazarded and lost his life in the then 
slightly broken wilderness. The State now numbered 
some 400,000 inhabitants, and had all the benefits of an 
efficient local administration, the want of which had greatly 
increased the dangers and difficulties of the first settlers. 

The period of Abraham Lincoln's Kentucky life ex- 
tends through a little more than seven years, terminating 
with the autumn of 1816. If it be true as a rule, as Horace 
Mann maintained, that the experiences and instructions of 
the first seven years of every person's existence do more 
to mold and determine his general character than all sub- 
sequent training, then must we regard Mr. Lincoln as a 
Kentuckian, by his early impressions and discipline, no 
less than by birth. 

In those days there were no common schools in that 
country. The principal reliance for acquiring the rudi- 
ments of learning was the same as that to which the peasant 
poet of Ayrshire was indebted. Education was by no 
means disregarded, nor did young Lincoln, poor as were 
his opportunities, grow up an illiterate boy, as some have 
supposed. Competent teachers were accustomed to offer 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 17 

themselves, then, as in later years, M'ho opened private 
schools for a neighborhood, being supported by tuition fees 
or subscription. During his boyhood days in Kentucky, 
Abrbham Lincoln attended, at different times, at least two 
schools of this description, of wliich he has clear recollec- 
tions. One of these was kept by Zachariah Riney, a 
Roman Catholic, whose peculiarities have not been wholly 
effaced from the memory of his since so distinguished 
pupil. Another teacher, on whose instructions the boy 
afterward attended, wliile living in Kentucky, was named 
Caleb Hazel. His was also a neighborhood school, sus- 
tained by private patronage. 

With the aid of these two teachers, and with such firrther 
assistance as he received at home, there is no doubt that he 
was able to read well, though without having made any 
great literary progress, at the age of seven. That he was 
not a dull or inapt scholar, is manifest from his subsequent 
attainments. With the allurements of the rifle and the 
wild game which then abounded in the country, however, 
and with the meagre advantages he had, in regard to 
books, it is certain that his perceptive faculties, and his 
muscular power, were much more fully developed by 
exercise than his scholastic talents. 

While he lived in Kentucky, he never saw even the ex- 
terior of what was properly a church edifice. The religious 
services he attended were held either at a private dwelling, 
or in some log school-house, or in the open grove. 

Unsatisfactory results of these many years' toil on the 
lands along Nolin Creek, or a restless spirit of adventure 
and fondness for more genuine pioneer excitements than 
this region continued to afford, led Thomas Lincoln, now 
verging upon the age of forty, and his son beginning to be 
of essential service in manual labor, to seek a new place of 
abode, far to the west and north, beyond the Ohio. 



18 Life of Abraham Lincoln, 

Early in the autumn of 1816, an immediate departure 
for the new wilds of Indiana Territory was determined on 
by Thomas Lincoln. It was no very imposing sight, cer- 
tainly, as the little family, bidding the old Kentucky home 
adieu, moved forward upon their long and mnding pioneer 
march. Many sad thoughts there undoubtedly were in 
that small group, and perhaps some forebodings, also, as 
their former place, gradually receding, at length disap- 
peared. But these emotions must soon have been lost 
in the excitements of their jom-ney. 

It was no novel picture which they presented, for that 
period, as they advanced on their lonely way, for the days 
required to bring them to the place whence they were to 
cross the Oliio. The plain wagon with its simple cover- 
ing as a shelter for its lading of household utensils, articles 
of food, and "varieties," was drawn by a, not too-spirited 
or over-fed horse, in a harness probably compounded of 
leather and hempen cords of an uncertain age. In the 
forward part of this conveyance, sat the emigrant wife and 
her daughter, nine years old, while the father and his son, 
now past seven, walking in the rear, took care that the in- 
dispensable cow kept pace to the music of the jolting wheels. 
Underneath the wagon, or scouting at pleasure through 
the surrounding woods, was of course a large dog, constant 
to the fortunes of his master's family, and ready for any 
fate to which their migrations might lead him. Arriving 
at the appointed landing on the banks of the Ohio, it only 
remained to embark the little caravan upon a flatboat, and 
to cross the stream, now swelled to great proportions by 
the autumn rains. Finally, after reaching the Indiana 
side, the adventurers landed at or near the mouth of Ander- 
son's Creek, now the boundary line between the counties 
of Perry and Spencer, about one hundred and forty miles 
below Louisville, by river, and sixty above Evansville. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



19 



In a direct line across the country from their former resi- 
dence, the distance is, perhaps, hardly one hundred miles. 

The place at which Mr. Lincoln settled, at the end of 
this journey, is some distance back from the Oliio river, 
near the present town of Gentryville. Under the earliest 
organization, this was in Perry county, of which Troy was 
the county-seat. Two years later, Spencer county was 
formed, embracing all that part of Perry west of Anderson's 
Creek, and including the place at which Mr. Lincoln had 
located. 

Here his emigrant wagon paused, and aided by the busy 
hands of his son, a log cabin was speedily built, which was 
to be their home through many coming years. The par- 
ticular site of his dwelling was doubtless determined, as 
usual, by the discovery of a living spring of water, after 
fixing on his selection for a farm. This completed, and a 
shelter provided for their stock, the next business was to 
clear up a space in the forest wliich should produce a crop 
of grain for their sustenance the next season. Hard work 
had begun in good earnest for the young Kentuckian. He 
was to learn the realities of genuine pioneer life, such as he 
had before but imperfectly understood, unless by tradition 
and the evening tales of his father. 

Indiana, at this date, was still a Territory, having been 
originally united under the same government with Illinois 
after the admissions of Ohio as a State, " the first-born of the 
the great Northwest," in 1802. A separate territorial 
organization was made from each in 1809. A few months 
before the arrival of Thomas Lincoln, in June, 1816, pur- 
suant to a Congressional "enabling act," a Convention had 
been held which adopted a State Constitution, preparatory 
to admission into the union. Under this Constituion, a 
little later, in December, 1816, Indiana became, by act of 
Congress, one of the United States. 



20 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



The population of Indiana was now about 65,000, dis- 
tributed chiefly south of a straight Une drawn from Vin- 
cennes, on the Wabash, to Lawrenceburg, on the Ohio. 
Vincennes was long the territorial capital, and with the 
surrounding country, had been occupied by French emi- 
grants, many years before the Revolution. In 1800, the 
whole number of residents in these colonies was less than 
5,000. From 1800 to 1810, there had been a large increase, 
mostly by emigrations to Southern Indiana from Kentucky, 
swelling the population to 24,520, at the latter date. In 
1811 had occurred serious difficulties with the Indians, 
terminating in the decisive victory over them at Tippecanoe. 
So general had become the settlements, eastward from 
Vincennes and up the Ohio river, that the capital was 
removed far eastward to Corydon, in 1813, as a central 
location. 

The next thirteen years Abraham Lincoln spent here, 
in Southern Indiana, near the Ohio, nearly midway be- 
tween Louisville and Evansville. He was now old enough 
to begin to take an active part in the farm labors of his 
father, and he manfully performed liis share of hard work. 
He learned to use the ax and to hold the plow. He 
became inured to all the duties of seedtime and harvest. 
On many a day, during every one of those thirteen years, 
this Kentucky boy might have been seen with a long "gad" 
in liis hand, driving his father's team in the field, or from 
the woods, with a heavy draught, or on the rough path to 
the mill, the store, or the river landing. He was specially 
an adept at felling trees, and acquired a mucsular strength 
in which he was equaled by few or none of those about 
him. In the sports of hunting and fishing, he was less 
skilled. 

Here, as in Kentucky, he attended private schools, and in 
other ways increased his little stock of learning, aided by 



Life op Abraham Lincoln. 21 

what he had already acquired. The same want of system- 
atic public instruction, and the same mode of remedying 
this lack, prevailed in Indiana, as in his former home. One 
of his teachers was named Andrew Crawford, to whom he 
used to be occasionally indebted for the loan of books, to 
read at such leisure hours as he could command. His last 
teacher was Azel W. Dorsey, who had the satisfaction, in 
later years, of taking his former scholar by the hand, re- 
joicing to recognize the once obscure boy as one of the 
foremost leaders of the people. 

That we may estimate Mr. Lincoln in his true character, 
as chiefly a self-educated man, it should be stated that, sum- 
ming up all the days of Us actual attendance upon school 
instruction, the amount would hardly exceed one year. 
The rest he has accomplished for himself in his own way. 
As a youth he read with avidity such instructive works as 
he could obtain, and in winter evenings, by the mere light 
of the blazing fire-place, when no better resource was at 
hand. 

An incident having its appropriate connection here, and 
illustrating several traits of the man, as already developed, 
in early boyhood, is vouched for by a citizen of Evansville, 
who knew liim in the days referred to. In liis eagerness to 
acquire knowledge, young Lincoln had borrowed of Mr. 
Crawford a copy of Weems' life of Washington — the only 
one known to be in the neighborhood. Before he had fin- 
ished reading the book, it had been left, by a not unnatural 
oversight in a window. Meantime, a rain storm came on, 
and the book, was so thoroughly wet as to make it nearly 
worthless. The mishap caused Mm much pain; but he 
went, in all honesty, to Crawford with the ruined book 
explained the calamity that had happened through his 
neglect, and offered, not having sufficient money, to 
" work out" the value of the book. 



22 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

" Well, Abe, " said Crawford, "as it's you I won't be hard 
on you. Come over and pull fodder for me for two days 
and we will call our accounts even. " 

The offer was accepted and the engagement literally 
fulfilled. As a boy, no less than since, Abraham Lincoln 
had an honorable conscientiousness, integrity, industry, 
and an ardent love of knowledge. 

The town on the Ohio river, nearest his home, was Troy, 
county-seat of Perry county down to the date of its division. 
This place, at the mouth of Anderson's Creek, had been set- 
tled as early as 1811, and was a place of some consequence, 
both for its river trade and as the county-seat. After this 
latter advantage was lost, by the formation of a new county in 
1818, Troy dwindled away, and is now a place of only about 
six hundred inhabitants. Rockport, nearly twenty miles 
southwest of Gentryville, became the county-seat of Spen- 
cer county, and thenceforward a point of interest to the new 
settlers. It is situated on a high bluff of the Ohio river, 
and receives its name from "Lady Washington's Rock," 
a picturesque hanging-rock at that place. At these two 
points young Lincoln gained some knowledge of the new 
world of riverlife and business, in addition to his farm ex- 
perience, and to his forest sports with rod and rifle. For 
several months he is said to have been ferryman at Ander- 
son's Creek Ferry. 

It was during one of the later of these thirteen years, that 
Abraham, at nineteen, was permitted to gratify his eager 
longing to see more of the world, and to try the charms of 
an excursion on the Ohio. He had inherited much of the 
adventurous and stirring disposition of his Virginian grand- 
father, and was delighted with the prospect of a visit to 
New Orleans, then the splendid city of Western dreams. 
He performed this journey on a common flatboat, doing 
service as one of the hands on that long yet most exhilarat- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 23 

ing trip. We have no particulars of this his sole excursion 
as a flatboatman during his Indiana days, yet to his own 
mind it probably long afforded many not unpleasing recol- 
lections. He was undoubtedly the life of the little com- 
pany, delighting them with his humorous sallies no less 
than with his muscular superiority, and with his hilarious 
activity and intuitive tact in all that immediately concerned 
their voyage. 

If there had been any forebodings at the time of depar- 
ture from their first home on Nolin Creek, these were to be 
ere long realized by the Indiana emigrants. Scarcely two 
years had passed, in this changed climate, and in these 
rougher forest experiences, before the mother of young 
Abraham — perhaps too gentle to encounter the new trials 
added to those she had before partially surmounted, and to 
endure the malarious influences in which this wild country 
abounded — was called to a last separation from those she 
had so tenderly loved. She died in 1818, leaving as her 
sole surviving children, a daughter less than twelve years 
old, and a son two years younger, of whose future dis- 
tinction, even with a mother's fondness, she probably had 
but an indefinite hope. 

A year or two later, Thomas Lincoln contracted a second 
marriage with Mrs. Johnston, a widow with three children, 
that were brought up with those of Mr. Lincohi. Besides 
these step-children, there were no additions to the family 
as before euumerated, 



CHAPTER II. 
First Years in Illinois. — 1830-'34. 

The early French settlements of Illinois, at Kaskaskia 
and Cahokia, on the Mississippi river just below St. 
Louis, had proved as little successful or permanent as 
those of Indiana around Vincennes. The territory had 
come into the possession of the British Government just 
before the Revolution, and emigration from Virginia had 
commenced almost simultaneously to that quarter and 
to Kentucky. 

The Southern emigration gave character to the earlier 
legislation of Indiana and Illinois especially. With evi- 
dences of a lurking attachment to the peculiar institution 
of the States on the other side of the Ohio river, the gen- 
eral tenor of public sentiment and action was as positive 
and distinct as were the opinions of the more Northern 
multitudes who came in to fill up these new common- 
wealths. And yet, the views of slavery prevalent in 
southern Indiana and Illinois were at that time not much 
diverse from those which were entertained in the com- 
munities from which these settlers had come. They re- 
garded slavery as an evil to be rid of; and to make sure 
of this, those who were not already too much entangled 
with it left in large numbers for a region which, by request 
of Virginia herself, was "forever" protected from the 
inroads of this moral and social mischief. 

Indiana had more than 100,000 people concentrated 
in the south, before any real advance had been made in 
the central and northern parts. Nearly the same thing 

25 



26 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

was true of Illinois. The territory had been separately 
organized in the same year with the birth of Abraham 
Lincoln — 1809. The next year's census showed its en- 
tire white population to be only 11, 501. 

In 1820, two years after admission into the Union, 
the entire population, still almost entirely confined to 
the same region, and to similar localities as ten years 
before, amounted only to 55,211. From that time to 
1830, there was some extension of the settlements north- 
ward, toward the center of the state, and up the Mississippi 
to Galena, where the mines were already worked. The 
rivers along which the principal settlements had been 
made, aside from the great boundary rivers — the Mississippi, 
the Ohio and the Wabash — were the Kaskaskia, the Em- 
barras, the Sangamon, and their branches. There were 
a few settlements, also, in the Rock River country, and 
in the vicinity of Peoria. The population, thus chiefly 
distributed, had now (1830) reached 157,445. 

The brothers of Thomas Lincoln had previously re- 
moved to a more northern location in Indiana than that 
which he had occupied. Both settled in the Blue river 
country — Mordecai in Hancock county, where he not long 
after died, and Josiah in Harrison county. 

Mr. Lincoln's father pushed forward to the central part 
of the State. A more beautiful country than that of the 
Sangamon valley could not easily have been anywhere 
discovered by an explorer. It was not strange that the. 
report of such lands, if he heard it in his Southern Indiana 
home, should have attracted even so far one who was 
bred to pioneer life and inherited a migratory disposition. 
He first settled on the Sangamon "bottom," in Macon 
coimty. 

As you approach Decatur, the county-seat of Macon, 
from the souths a slightly broken country is reached two 



Life of Abraham Lixcoln. 27 

or three miles from that place, and presently the North 
Fork of the Sangamon, over which you pass, a mile from 
the town. This stream flows westwardly, uniting with the 
South Fork, near Jamestown, ten miles from Springfield. 
Following down this North Fork for a distance of about 
ten miles from Decatur, you come to the immediate vicinity 
of the first residence of Abraham Lincoln (with his 
father's family), in Ilhnois. 

Here, for the first seasonsof his abode in the new State he 
continued to assist the father in Ms farm-work. One of the 
first duties was to fence in a field on the rich bottom-lands, 
which had been selected for cultivation. For this purpose, 
with the help of one laborer, it is said, Abraham Lincoln 
split three thousand rails — the crowning work of a long 
laborious period of his life. The man who aided him in 
this exploit, named John Hanks, a distant relative of his 
mother, bears earnest testimony to the strength and skill 
with which the maul and the wedge were employed on this 
occasion. 

For some unexplained reason, the family did not remain 
on this place but a single year. Abraham was now of age, 
and when, in the spring of 1831, liis father set out for Coles 
county, sixty or seventy miles to the eastward, on the 
upper waters of the Kaskaskia and Embarras, a separation 
took place, the son, for the first time, assuming his inde- 
pendence, and commencing life on his own account. The 
scene of these labors he never again visited. His father 
was soon after comfortably settled in the place to which he 
had turned his course, and spent the remainder of his ad- 
venturous days there, arriving at a good old age. He died 
in Coles county, on the 17th day of January, 1851, being in 
his seventy-third year. The farm on the Sangamon sub- 
sequeptly came into the possession of a Mr. Whitley, who 
erected a mill in the vicinity. 



28 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

At the close of the year 1830, or in 1831, a man.came to that 
part of Macon county where young Lincoln was living, in 
pursuit of hands to aid him in a flatboat voyage down the 
Mississippi. The fact was known that the youth had once 
made such a trip, and his services were sought for the occa- 
sion. As one who had his own subsistence to earn, with 
no capital but his hands, and with no immediate oppor- 
tunities for commencing professional study, if his thoughts 
had as yet been turned in that direction, he accepted the 
proposition made him. Perhaps there was something of 
his inherited and acquired fondness for existing adventure, 
impelling him to this decision. With him, were also em- 
ployed, his former fellow-laborer, John Hanks, and a son 
of his step-mother, named John Johnston. In the spring 
of 1831 Lincoln set out to fulfill his engagement. The 
flood had so swollen the streams that the Sangamon comitry 
was a vast sea before him. His first entrance into that 
country was over these wide-spread waters, in a canoe. The 
time had come to join his employer on his journey to New 
Orleans, but the latter had been disappointed by another 
person on whom he relied to furnish him a boat, on the 
Illinois river. Accordingly, all hands set to work, and 
themselves built a boat on that river for their purposes. 
This done, they set out on their long trip, making a success- 
ful voyage to New Orleans and back. It is reported by 
his friends, that Mr. Lincoln referred with much pleasant 
humor to this early experience, so relating some of its inci- 
dents as to afford abundant amusement to his auditors. 
In truth, he was a youth who could adapt himself to this 
or any other honest Vv'ork which liis circumstances required 
of him, and with a cheerfulness and alacrity — a certain 
practical humor — rarely equaled. He could turn off the 
hardest labor as a mere pastime ; and his manly presence, to 
other laborers, was a constant inspiration and a charm to 
Ughten their burdens. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 29 

It was midsummer when the flatboatman returned from 
this his second and last trip in that capacity. The man 
who had commanded this little expedition now undertook 
to establish himself in business at New Salem, twenty 
miles below Springfield, in Menard county — a place of 
more relative consequence than now — two miles from 
Petersburg, the county-seat. He had found young Lincoln 
a person of such sort that he was anxious to secure his 
services in the new enterprise he was about to embark in. 
He opened a store at New Salem, and also had a flour mill. 
For want of other immediate employment, and in the same 
spirit which had heretofore actuated him, Abraham Lin- 
coln now entered upon the duties of a clerk, having an eye 
to both branches of the business carried on by his employer. 
This connection continued for nearly a year, all the duties 
of his position being faithfully performed. 

It was during this year that he was appointed Postmaster 
at New Salem — not from political affinity with the ad- 
ministration of Jackson, to which he was, in fact, opposed, 
but because he was thought better fitted for the place than 
any of his neighbors. He discharged his duties well; and 
instead of even temporarily using any of the public money 
to supply his then pressing wants, he carefully laid up 
whatever belonged to the Government, from day to day, 
and at the final settlement he had a bag of coin, containing 
the proper amount, ready to be paid over. 

While Abraham Lincoln was quietly performing his 
duties in the pioneer " store, " in Menard county, reports 
were received of an alarming Indian invasion, on the 
western border of the State. In the spring of 1S31, the 
noted Black-Hawk, an old chief of the Sac tribe of Indians, 
repudiating the treaty by the terms of which they had been 
removed beyond the Father of Waters, re-crossed the river 
with his women and children, and three hundred warriors 



— i 



30 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of the Sacs, together with allies from the Kickapoo and 
Pottawatomie nations. His object was again to take pos- 
session of his old hunting-grounds, and to establish him- 
self where the principal village of liis nation before had 
been, in the Rock-river country. 

Whether or not either of these commanders was 
chargeable with blame, tliis retreat of Black Hawk only 
prolonged the difficulties impending, and prepared the 
way for a more formidable and eventful campaign the 
next season. Gen. Gaines, however, had taken measures 
to preclude any such possibility, so far as the deliberate 
engagements of the uneasy chief could avail for that 
purpose. Intimidated by the threats of Gaines to cross 
the river, and to prosecute the war on that ground. Black 
Hawk sued for peace. A treaty was entered into, by 
which he agreed that he and his tribe should ever after 
remain on the west side of the river, unless by permission 
of the State Governor or President. 

In express violation, however, of this second deliberate 
engagement. Black Hawk and his followers began, early in 
the spring of 1832, as we have seen, to make preparations 
for another invasion. Tliis was in the early part of April, 
1832. Black Hawk, after he had gone some distance up 
this latter river, was overtaken by a messenger from 
Gen. Atkinson, who had command of the troops on Rock 
Island, and ordered to return beyond the Mississippi. 
This was defiantly refused. 

Gov. Reynolds again issued a call for volunteers to 
protect the settlers from tliis invasion. A company was 
promptly raised in Menard county, in the formation of 
which Abraham Lincoln was one of the most active. 
From New Salem, Clary's Grove, and elsewhere in the 
vicinity, an efficient force was gathered, and in making 
their organization, Lincoln was elected Captain. This 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 31 

was the first official honor he had ever received by the 
suffrages of his fellows, and one that afforded particular 
satisfaction to Us not unaspiring, though modest, spirit, 
as he, long afterward, frankly admitted. 

Their first march was to the rendezvous appointed by 
Gov. Reynolds, at Beardstown, one of the earlier settle- 
ments on the Illinois river, forty miles west of New Salem. 
Here eighteen hundred men were speedily assembled, 
under the direction of the Governor. The forces were- 
organized into four regiments, with an additional spy 
battalion. Gen. Samuel Whiteside, of the State militia, 
who had commanded the spy battalion in the campaign 
of the previous year, was now entrusted with the command 
of the whole brigade. Gen. James D. Henry was placed 
at the head of the spy battalion. 

This little army, more imposing than that of the pre- 
ceding year, set out from Beardstown on the 27th of April, 
for the scene of action. Three or four days' hard marching 
across the country brought the volunteers to Oquawka, 
on the Mississippi, from whence they proceeded, without 
delay, northward to the mouth of Rock river. Here it 
was arranged with Gen. Atkinson, commander of the 
regulars, that the volunteer force should march up the 
latter stream a distance of about fifty miles, to Prophets- 
town, where they were to encamp, awaiting the arrival 
of the regulars with provisions, by the river. Gen. 
WTiiteside, however, instead of following out this plan, 
set fire to the Prophet's village on arriving, and pushed 
forward toward Dixon's Ferry, forty miles further up 
the river. 

These incessant marches must have severely taxed the 
endurance of many of the inexperienced soldiers, but to 
Capt. Lincoln, reared as he had been, they rather height- 
ened the exliilaration which attended these adventures 



32 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

from the start. The prospect of speedily overtaking and 
encountering the enemy in battle, and the hope of winning, 
in the fight, some special honors for the little contingent 
under his command, relieved the sense of fatigue. 

The great battle which Capt. Lincoln and his fellow- 
volunteers had come so far to participate in, seemed now 
on the point of becoming a reality. Notwithstanding the 
premature advance of AVhiteside from Prophetstown had 
left them without the necessary supplies, and subjected 
them to the privations so well known to experienced 
soldiers, yet seldom encountered so early in a campaign, 
they made up for .the absence of their regular provisions 
as best they might, and were ready, with the dawn, for 
the day's undertaking. But their enemy did not await 
their coming. Arrived at the scene of the skirmish of the 
day before, they found not a straggler of all the savage 
forces. They had partly gone farther up the river, and 
partly dispersed, to commit depredations in the surround- 
ing country. One party of them came suddenly upon a 
settlement near Ottawa, and massacred fifteen persons, 
carrying two young women into captivity. This circum- 
stance, alone, is sufficient to show how utterly unfounded 
was the pretense of some that Black Hawk had no hostile 
purpose, in this repudiation of his treaty engagements, 
and to remove any ground for the mistaken sympathy 
which may have been expended upon him. 

This sudden disbanding without a battle, and with no 
results accomplished, was a disappointment to the young 
captain from Menard county. Gov. Re^molds had pre- 
viously issued a call for two thousand new volunteers, to 
assemble at Beardstown and Hennepin. In accordance 
with the wishes of Lincoln and others, who were still 
ready to bear their share of the campaign to its close, the 
Governor also asked for the formation of a volunteer regi- 




I 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 33 

ment from tliose just discharged. Lincoln promptly 
enrolled himself as a private, as did also General AVhiteside. 

Before the arrival of the other levies, a skirmisliing 
fight with the Lidians was had at Burr Oak Grove, on 
the 18th of June, in which the enemy was defeated, with 
considerable loss, and on the side of the volunteers, two 
killed and one wounded. 

The new forces, under command of General Atkinson, 
of the regular army, were at length put in motion, de- 
tachments being sent out in different directions. A severe 
fight- was had at Kellogg's Grove, in the midst of the 
Indian country, on the 25th of June, resulting in the 
retreat of the Indians, with much loss. Five whites were 
killed, and three wounded. A detachment under General 
Alexander was stationed in a position to intercept the 
Indians, should they attempt to re-cross the Mississippi. 

In response to the representations of Gov. Reynolds, to 
whom the settlers applied for protection, Gen. Gaines, com- 
mander of the United States forces in that quarter, took 
prompt and decisive measures to expel these invaders 
from the state. With a few companies of regular soldiers. 
Gen. Gaines at once took up his position at Rock Island, 
and at his call, several hundred volunteers, assembled 
from the northern and central parts of the state, upon 
the proclamation of Gov. Reynolds, joined him a month 
later. His little army distributed into two regiments, 
an additional battalion, and a spy battalion, was the most 
formidable military force yet seen in the new State. The 
expected battle did not take place, the Indians having 
suddenly and stealthily retired again, in their canoes, 
across the river. 

Nearly two months had now passed since the opening of 
the campaign, and its purpose seemed as remote from 
accomplishment as ever. The new volunteers had many 



34 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of them become discontented, like the former ones. Their 
number had in fact become reduced one-half. The weari- 
some marches, the delays, the privations and exposures, 
had proved to them that this service was no pastime, and 
that its romance was not what it seemed in the distance. 
They sickened of such service, and were glad to escape 
from its restraints. Not so, however, with Lincoln, who 
had found in reality the kind of exciting adventure which 
his spirit craved. While others murmured, and took their 
departure, he remained true and persistent, no less eager 
for the fray, or ambitious to play a genuine soldier's part, 
than at the beginning. Hardship was not new to him, 
and he had a physical energy and endurance that would not 
be wearied into untimely discouragement. 

It was not destined, however, that he should be actively 
engaged in any battle more serious than those encounters 
already mentioned. 

Mr. Lincoln, as yet a youth of but twenty-three, faith- 
fully discharged his duty to his country, as a soldier, per- 
severing amid peculiar hardships, and against the influences 
of older men around him, during the three months' service 
of this his first and last military campaign. 

Sarcastically conamenting on the efforts of General Cass' 
biographers to render liim conspicuous as a military hero, 
Mr. Lincoln, in a Congressional speech, delivered during the 
canvass of 1848, made a humorous and characteristic refer- 
ence to his own experience as a soldier. We give his 
language on tliis occasion, as a suitable pendent to our 
sketch of this period of Mr. Lincoln's youth. 

" By the way, Mr. Speaker, did you know I am a military 
hero? Yes, sir, in the days of the Black Hawk war, I 
fought, bled, and came away. Speaking of General Cass' 
career reminds me of my own. I was not at Stillman's 
defeat, but I was about as near it as Cass to Hull's sur- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 35 

render; and like him, I saw the place very soon afterward. 
It is quite certain I did not break my word, for I had none 
to break; but I bent a musket pretty badly on one occa- 
sion. If Cass broke his sword, the idea is, he broke it in 
desperation ; I bent the musket by accident. If General 
Cass went in advance of me in picking whortleberries, I 
guess I surpassed him in charges upon the wild onions. If 
he saw any live, fighting Indians, it was more than I did, 
but I had a good many bloody struggles with the mos- 
quitoes; and although I never fainted from loss of blood, 
I can truly say I was often very hungry. 

" Mr. Speaker, if I should ever conclude to doff whatever 
our Democratic friends may suppose there is of black- 
cockade Federalism about me, and, thereupon, they should 
take me up as their candidate for the Presidency, I pro- 
test they shall not make fun of me as they have of General 
Cass, by attempting to write me into a military hero. " 



CHAPTER III. 
Eight Years in the Legisature of Illinois — 1834-'41. 

We now approach the period of Mr. Lincoln's transition 
to the more natural position in which, as a professional man 
and a statesman, he was to attain that success and emi- 
nence for which his rare endowments fitted him. His later 
experiences had shown him more clearly that he was not 
to be a mere private in the great battle of life, but that he 
had certain qualities which could place him at the head of 
a brigade or of a column, if he were so minded. Nor was he 
indifferent to the good opinion of his fellow-men. The 
confessed satisfaction which the captaincy of a company 
of volunteers had given him, as the expressed preference of 
a hundred or two of associates for him above all others, 
as a leader, showed that, however distrustful as yet of his 
own powers, he was not without ambition, or unable to 
appreciate popular honors. 

This campaign likewise, besides the excitements of 
varied adventure which it afforded, so much to his natural 
inclination, had brought him in contact with inspiring in- 
fluences and associations, and had demonstrated, and 
doubtless improved, his powers of fixing the esteem and 
admiration of those around him. He had been, as is told 
of him, a wild sort of a boy and in his peculiar way he had 
attached his associates to him to a remarkable degree. 
This will be seen from a circumstance to be presently re- 
lated. His horizon had been enlarged and his dreams 
ennobled. Meantime, it is to be remembered, that he 

37 



38 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

had come home from the Black-Hawk war with no 
definite business to resort to, and still under a necessity of 
devoting his cbaef and immediate energies to self-support. 
He has, then, reached a new epoch of his youth, at this 
date, and entered on another distinct period of his liistory. 
Proof of this we shall find in the fact that he became, on 
returning home, a candidate for representative in the State 
Legislature, the election of which was close at hand. A 
youth of twenty-three, and not at all generally known 
through the county, or able, in the brief time allowed, to 
make himself so, it may have an appearance of presumption 
for liim to have allowed the use of his name as a candidate 
He was not elected, certainly, and could hardly have 
thought such an event possible; yet the noticeable fact 
remains that he received so wonderful a vote in his own 
precinct, where he was best if not almost exclusively 
known, as may also be said to have made his fortune. His 
precinct (he had now settled in Sangamon county) was 
strongly for Jackson, while Lincoln had, from the start, 
warmly espoused the cause of Henry Clay. The State 
election occurred in August, and the Presidential election 
two or three months later, the same season. Political 
feeling ran liigh, at this, the second election (as it proved) 
of Jackson. Notwithstanding tliis, such was the popu- 
larity wliich young Lincoln had brought home with him 
from the war, that out of the two hundred and eight y-four 
votes cast in his precinct, two hundred and seventy-seven 
— all but seven— were cast for Mm. Yet, a little later in the 
same canvass, General Jackson received a majority of 
one hundred and fifty-five for the Presidency, from the 
very same men, over Mr. Clay, whose cause Lincoln was 
known to favor. So marked an indication as this of liis 
personal power to draw votes, made him a political celeb- 
rity at once. In future elections it became a point with 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 39 

aspirants to seek to combine his strength in their favor, by- 
placing Lincoln's name on their ticket, to secure his bat- 
talion of voters. When he was elected to the Legislature 
for the first time, two years later, his majority ranged 
about two hmidred votes higher than the rest of the ticket 
on which he ran. 

Such was the beginning of Mr. Lincoln's political life, 
almost in his boyhood. This is the proper place to pause 
and review, in a brief way, the state of political affairs in 
Illinois, at the time of his first appearance upon this 
public arena. We shall find the revolution which has been 
wrought— Mr. Lincoln, though for long years in an appar- 
ently hopeless minority in the State, having been always a 
foremost leader on the side opposed to the Democracy — 
to be scarcely less remarkable than his youthful successes 
at the polls. 

At the date of Mr. Lincoln's arrival — when just of age — 
in the State of Illinois, General Jackson was in the midst 
of his first Presidential term. Since 1826 every general 
election in that State had resulted decisively in favor of 
his friends. In August, 1830, the first election after Lincoln 
became a resident of the State, and before he was a qualified 
voter, the only rival candidates for Governor, were both 
of the same strongly predominant party. The Legislature 
then elected had a large majority on that side. In 1832, 
General Jackson received the electoral vote of Illinois, for 
the second time, by a decisive majority. The Legislature 
of 1834 was so strongly Democratic that the Whig mem- 
bers did not have any candidates of their own, in organiz- 
ing the House, but chose rather to exercise the little power 
they had in favor of such Democratic candidate as they 
preferred. Against such odds, as we shall see, the oppo- 
nents of that party struggled long and in vain. Even the 
great pohtical tornado which swept over so large a portion 



40 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of the Union in 1840, made no decisive impression upon 
Illinois. In spite of all these difficulties and discourage- 
ments, Mr. Lincoln adhered steadily to his faith, never 
once dreaming of seeking profit in comphance, or in a com- 
promise of his honest principles. Henr)'- Clay was his 
model as a statesman, and always continued such, while 
any issues were left to contend for, of the celebrated 
American system of the great Kentuckian. 

During the time Mr. Lincoln was pursuing his law studies 
and making his first practical appearance with political 
life, he turned his attention to the business of a surveyor 
as a means of support. The mania for speculation in 
Western lands and lots was beginning to spread over the 
country at this time; and while our young student of law 
had neither means nor inclination to embark in any such 
enterprise for himself, it was the means of bringing him 
some profitable employment with the chain and compass. 
From the earliest grand center of these operations in lands 
and town lots, Cliicago, which had also itself furnished, 
even then, most remarkable examples of fortunes easily 
made, the contagion spread everywhere through the State. 
Towns and cities without number were laid out in all 
directions, and innumerable fortunes were made, in antici- 
pation, by the purchase of lots in all sorts of imaginary 
cities, during the four or five years preceding the memorable 
crisis and crash of 1837. It was during the year previous 
to that consummation, that this business had reached 
its height in Illinois. "With the revulsion, came also a 
brief period of adversity to the successful surveyor, whose 
occupation was now gone. It is said that even his ser- 
veying instruments were sold under the hammer. But 
this change only served to establish him more exclusively 
and permanently in his profession of the law. 

Mr. Lincoln's first election to the Illinois Legislature, as 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 41 

has been stated, was in 1834. His associates on the ticket 
were Major John T Stuart (two or three years later elected 
to Congress), John Dawson and William Carpenter. All 
were decided Clay men, or, as the party in that State was 
first styled, Democratic Republicans. About this time 
the name of Whigs had begun to be their current designa- 
tion. Lincoln was the youngest member of this Legisla- 
ture, with the single exception of Jesse K. Dubois, of Law- 
rence county, afterward State Auditor of Illinois, who 
served with Mm during liis entire legislative career. He 
had not yet been admitted to the bar; he had yet his repu- 
tation to make, no less, as a politician and orator. At this 
time he was very plain in Ms costume, as well as rather 
uncourtly in Ms address and general appearance. His 
clothing was of homely Kentucky jean, and the first im- 
pression made by his tall, lank figure, upon those who saw 
Mm, was not specially prepossessing. He had not out^ 
grown Ms hard backwoods experience, and showed no in- 
clination to disguise or to cast behind him the honest and 
manly, though unpolished, characteristics of Ms eariier 
days. Never was a man further removed from all snob- 
bish affectation. As little was there, also, of the dema- 
gogue art of assuming an uncoutlmess or rusticity of man- 
ner and outward habit, with -the mistaken notion of thus 
securing particular favor as "one of the masses." He 
chose to appear then, as in all his later life, precisely what 
he was. His deportment was unassuming, though with- 
out any awkwardness of reserve. 

During this, Ms first session in the Legislature, he was 
taking lessons, as became his youth and inexperience, and 
preparing Mmself for the future, by close observation and 
attention to business, rather than by a prominent partici- 
pation in debate. He seldom, perhaps never, took the 
floor to speak, although before the close of this and the 



42 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

succeeding special session of the same Legislature, he had 
shown, as previously in every other capacity in wliich he 
was engaged, qualities that clearly pointed to Mm as fitted 
to act a leacUng part. One of his associates from Sanga- 
mon coimty. Major Stuart, was now the most prominent 
member on the "^Tiig side of the house. 

The organization of this Legislature, was, of course, in the 
hands of the Democrats. The Speaker v/as Hon. Jame§ 
Semple, afterward United States Senator. In the selec- 
tion of his committees, he assigned Lincoln the second place 
on the Committee on Public Accounts and Expenditures, 
as if with an intuition, in advance of acquaintance, of the 
propriety of setting " Honest Abe" to look after the public 
treasury 

This Legislature gave some attention to what are tech- 
nically called internal improvements witliin the State. In 
behalf of the IlUnois and Micliigan Canal, the company for 
constructing wliich had been incorporated in 1S25, a loan 
was agitated at the first session. Congress had granted 
for tliis work, in 1826, about 300,000 acres of land on the 
proposed route of the cana.l But for a special message of 
Governor Duncan, maintaining that the desired loan could 
be effected on a pledge of these canal lands alone, it is 
probable that the loan bill, reported by a Senator from 
Sangamon county, named George Forguer, would have 
passed. At the next session, in 1835, tliis message was 
carried, a bill pledging the credit of the State in behalf of 
the canal Company, to the amount originally proposed, 
having become a law. The loan was negotiated by Gov- 
ernor Duncan the next year, and the work on this im- 
portant canal was commenced in June, 1836. At the same 
special session, a large number of railroads, without State 
aid, were chartered, including the Illinois Central and the 
Galena and Cliicago routes. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 43 

It was during the regular session of this Legislature, that 
Stephen A. Douglas, not liimself a member, became first 
known to Mr. Lincoln. Late in the year, 1833, Mr. Douglas 
then in his twenty-first year, had migrated to Illinois (Ver- 
mont being Ifis native State), and commenced teaching 
a district school in Winchester, Scott county. During the 
succeeding year he gave a portion of his time to the study 
of law, taking part also in the political affairs of his locality. 
The Legislature, at this session, had taken from the Gov- 
ernor the power of appointing State's attorneys for the 
several judicial districts, and provided that these officers 
should be elected by the Legislature, in joint convention. 
Though he had been but a little more than a year in the 
State, and was scarcely to be regarded as an expert in the 
profession of the law, Mr. Douglas presented himself be- 
fore the Legislature as a candidate for State's attorney for 
the first judicial district, against Mr. Hardin, a distin- 
guished lawyer, then in office. The movement was so 
adroit, that the youthful advocate distanced his unsus- 
pecting competitor, receiving thirty-eight votes to thirty- 
six cast against him. Mr. Lincoln had not only preceded 
Mr. Douglas as a resident of Illinois, but, also, as thus seen, 
in gaining a political standing in the State. 

In 1836, Mr. Lincoln was elected for a second term, as 
one of the seven representatives from Sangamon county. 
Among his associates were Mr. Dawson, re-elected, and 
Ninian AV. Edwards. Mr. Douglas was one of the repre- 
sentatives from Morgan coimty (to which he had recently 
removed), and along with him Mr. Hardin, whom he had 
managed to supersede as State's attorney in 1835. The 
latter (who was subsequently in Congress, and who fell at 
Buena Vista) was the only Wliig elected from that county, 
the other five representatives being Democrats. This 
canvass in Morgan county is memorable for introducing 



44 Life of Abrail^m Lincoln. 

in Illinois, through the aid of Douglas, the convention 
system, the benefit of which he was subsequently to reap 
in the local contests of that State. He had been put on his 
representative ticket to fUl a vacancy, having failed himself 
in this instance to secure a nomination from the convention. 
He was never again elected to the Legislature, having in 
fact vacated his seat after the first session, and accepted the 
federal appointment of Register in the land ofiice at Spring- 
field. 

In this House, as in that which immediately preceded, 
the Democrats had a decided majority. General Semple 
was re-elected Speaker. Mr. Lincoln was assigned a place 
on the Committee on Finance. In addition to those we 
have alread}^ named, the house included many men of 
abilitj^ who have been distinguished in the politices of the 
State or of the nation, among whom were James Shields, 
Augustus C. French, Robert Smith, John Dougherty, 
W. A. Richardson, and John A. McClernand. At the two 
sessions of tliis Legislature, in 1836 and '37, Mr. Lincoln 
came forward more prominently in debate gradually, 
becoming recognized as the leading man on the Whig side. 

The subject of internal improvements became one of 
the most prominent ones before this Legislature, as had 
happened with the last. Of this policy, in a judiciously 
guarded form, Mr. Lincoln had been from the first a staunch 
and efficient advocate. He held it to be the duty of Gov- 
ernment to extend its fostering aid, in every constitutional 
way, and to a reasonable extent, to whatever enterprise 
of public utility required such assistance, in order to the 
fullest development of the natmal resources, and to the 
most rapid healthful growth of the State. 

At the first session of 1S36-7, about 1,300 miles of rail- 
road were provided for, in various quarters, the comple- 
tion of the Illinois and Michigan Canal, from Chicago to 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 45 

Peru, and the improvement of the navigation of the Kas- 
kaskia, Illinois, Rock, and Great and Little Wabash rivers; 
requiring in all a loan of $8,000,000. This included the 
novel appropriation of $2,000,000 to be distributed among 
those counties through which none of the proposed im- 
provements were to be made. The system voted by the 
Legislature was on a most m.agnificent scale, such as New 
York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, or IncUana had not surpassed. 
This system of internal improveir.ent, having scarcely been 
inaugurated when the crash of 1837 came, did not entirely 
correspond in practice with what it had promised in theory. 
There was also a considerable addition made to the bank- 
ing capital of the State at this session. 

During the winter, resolutions of an extreme Southern 
character on the slavery question, were introduced, and, 
after discussion, adopted by the Democratic majority. The 
attempt was, of course, made to affix a character of aboli- 
tionism to all those who refused assent to these extreme 
views. At that time, the public sentiment of the North was 
not aroused on the subject, as it became a few years later, 
in consequence of pro-slavery aggressions. Yet Mr. 
Lincoln refused to vote for these resolutions, and exer- 
cised his constitutional privilege, along with one of his 
colleagues from Sangamon county, of entering upon the 
Journal of the House his reasons for thus acting. 

March 3, 1837. 

The following protest was presented to the House, which 
was read and ordered to be spread on the journals, to-wit: 

" Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having 
passed both branches of the General Assembly, at its pres- 
ent session, the undersigned hereby protest against the 
passage of the same. 

"They believe that the institution of slavery is founded 



46 Life of Abraham Lixcoln. 

on both injustice and bad policy; antl that the promulga- 
tion of abolition doctrines tend rather to increase than 
abate its e\'ils. 

"They believe that the Congress of the United States 
has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with the 
institution of slavery in the different states. 

"They believe that the Congress of the United States 
has the power, under the Constitution, to abohsh slavery 
in the District of Columbia; but that the power ought not 
to be exercised, unless at the request of the people of said 
District. 

"The difference between these opinions and those con- 
tained in the said resolutions, is their reason for entering 
this protest. 

"(Signed) "Dan Stoxe, 

"A. Lincoln, 
"Representatives from the County of Sangamon." 

On the formation of the separate territory of Illinois, in 
1809, Kaskaslda, perhaps the oldest town in all the Western 
country, had been designated as the capital. Such it con- 
tinued to be until Illinois was admitted into the Union as a 
State, in 1818, when Vandalia, far up the Kaskaskia river, 
was laid out as the new capital. For some time it con- 
tinued to be relatively a central location. But dm-ing several 
years immediately prececUng 1837, the middle and northern 
portions of the State had become so populated that the re- 
moval of the capital to a point nearer the geograpliical 
center had become manifestly expetUent. At tliis session, 
accordingly, an act was passed changing the seat of govern- 
ment to Springfield, the principal town in the interior of 
the State, from and after the 4th day of Julj'^, 1839. To 
the people of Sangamon county, whom JIr. Lincoln repre- 
sented, this was of course a most Satisfactory measure, and 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 47 

by the State at large it was received with general approba- 
tion. Yandalia, wMch had reached a population of about 
two thousand, dwindled away for a time, until it had but 
about one-fourth that number of inhabitants, though of 
late years it has revived, and to-day has about three thou- 
sand inhabitants. Springfield has steadily advanced, 
since tliis period, and is one of the most beautiful of our 
Western cities. The prairie country for scores of miles 
around is as charming in appearance and as fertile in its 
productions as any tract of like extent anywhere. It is 
greatly to the credit of Mr. Lincoln's good taste and 
sagacity that, when he came to his majority, he fixed upon 
such a locality for his home, foreseeing for this spot a suc- 
cessful future, to which (altogether beyond his anticipa- 
tions) his influence, in 1836, added a material advantage, 
and his presence, in 1860, gave a national luster of renown. 

Li 1S3S, Mr. Lincoln was for the third time elected a 
representative in the Legislature, for the two years ensu- 
ing. Among the other six representatives of Sangamon 
county was John Calhoun, since notorious for his connection 
with the Lecompton constitution. Availing himself of 
some local issue or other, and being a man of conceded 
ability, of highly respectable Whig antecedents and con- 
nections, he had slipped in by a small majority, crowding 
out the lowest candidate on the Whig ticket. The re- 
maining five were Whigs, -including E. D. Baker, Ninian W. 
Edwards, and A. McCormick. The strength of the two 
parties in the house was nearly evenly balanced, the Demo- 
crats having only three or four majority, rendering this 
unexpected gain particularly acceptable. 

So well organized was now the position of Mr. Lincoln in 
liis party, that, by general consent, he received the Whig 
vote for the Speakership. There was a close contest, 
his Democratic competitors being Colonel WiUiam Lee D, 



48 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Ewing, who had served with Lincoln in the Black-Hawk 
war. On the fourth ballot, Ewing had a majority of one 
over all others, two Whigs (including Mr., Lincoln) and 
two Democrats having scattered their votes. 

At the State election, in August, 183S, the Whig candi- 
date for Governor made an excellent run, but was defeated 
by Thomas Carlin, Democrat. State affairs were hardly 
brought in issue in the general canvass. A majority of the 
Legislature, at the first session, was opposed to the repeal 
or modification of the public works system, but vsted 
adcUtional expenditures thereon, to the amount of $800,000. 
At a special session, however, tliis body repealed the system, 
and made provisions for its gradual winding up. Mr. 
Lincoln, as the Whig leader, had liis position on the Com- 
mittee on Finance, and exerted his influence in favor of 
wise counsels, and such a determination of affairs as 
would best remedy the evils resulting from tlfis loose Demo- 
cratic tampering with measure of Whig policy. 

Aside from these financial questions, there were few 
matters of any general interest before this Legislature. 
Tliis session of 1838-9 was the last held at Vandalia. A 
special session in 1839, inaugurated a new state-house at 
Springfield. The great contest of 1840 was already casting 
its shadow before, and began chiefly to engross the atten- 
tion of persons in political life. Whig candidates for electors 
were nominated in November of this year, and discussions 
commenced in earnest. Mr. Lincoln, who was deemed 
one of the strongest champions of the cause before the 
people, was repeatedly called on to encounter the foremost 
advocates of the Democratic party — what no man in 
Illinois, it was now manifest, could do more successfully. 

For the fourth time in succession, Mr. Lincoln was elected 
to the Legislature in 1840 — the last election to that position 
which he would consent to accept from his strongly attached 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 49 

constitutents of Sangamon county. In this Legislature, 
like all previous ones in which he had served, the Demo- 
crats had a majority in both branches, and the responsibility 
of all legislation was with them. It was at this session that, 
to overrule a decision unacceptable to Democrats, and for 
political and personal reasons of common notoriety in 
Illinois, the judicial system of the State was changed, as 
desired, by Mr. Douglas, against the judgment of many 
leading Democrats, and five new judges, of whom Mr. 
Douglas was one, were added to the Supreme Court of the 
State. This is now generally felt to be a measure confer- 
ring little credit upon those concerned in concocting the 
scheme, and was never heartily approved by the people. 

There was but one session during the two years for which 
this Legislature was chosen. Mr. Lincoln, as in the last, 
was the acknowledged Whig leader, and the candidate of his 
party for Speaker. First elected at twenty-five, he had 
continued in office without interruptioa so long as his in- 
clination allowed, and until, by his uniform courtesy and 
kindness of manners, his marked ability, and his straight- 
forward integrity, he had won an enviable repute through- 
out the Sate, and was virtually, when but a little past 
thirty, placed at the head of liis party in Illinois. 

Begun ii>comparative obscurity, and without any adven- 
titious aids in its progress, this period of his life, at its termi- 
nation, had brought him to a position where he was secure 
in the confidence of the people, and prepared, in due time, 
to enter upon a; more enlarged and brilliant career, as a 
national statesman. His fame as a close and convincing 
debater was established. His native talent as an orator 
had at once been demonstrated and disciplined. His zeal 
and earnestness in behalf of a party whose principles he 
believed to be right, had rallied strong troops of political 
friends about him, while his unfeigned modesty and his un- 



50 Life of Abr.\ham Lincoln. 

pretending and simple bearing, in marked contrast with 
that of so many imperious leaders, had won him general 
and lasting esteem. He preferred no claim as a partisan, 
and showed no overweening anxiety to advance himself, 
but was always a disinterested and generous co-worker 
with his associates, only ready to accept the post of honor 
and of responsibility, when it was clearly their will, and 
satisfactory to the people whose interests were involved. 
At the close of this period, with scarcely any consciousness 
of the fact himself, and with no noisy demonstrations of 
flashy ostentation in lus behalf from his friends, he was really 
one of the foremost poUtical men in the State. A keen 
observer might even then have predicted a great future for 
the "Sangamon Chief," as he was sometimes called in 
Illinois ; and only such an observer, perhaps, iw-^ukl then 
have adequately estimated liis real jDower as a natural 
orator, a sagacious statesman, and a gallant tribune of 

THE PEOPLE 



CHAPTER IV. 

Elected a Member of Congress. 

During the time of his service in the Legislature, Mr. 
Lincoln was busily engaged in mastering the profession 
of law. This he was, indeed, compelled to do somewhat 
at intervals, and with many disadvantages, from the ne- 
cessity he was under to support himself meanwhile by his 
own labor, to say nothing of the attention he was com- 
pelled to give to politics, by the position he had accepted. 
Nothing, however, could prevent, his consummating his 
purpose. He completed his preliminary studies, and was 
licensed to practice in 1836. His reputation was now such 
that he found a good amount of business, and began to rise 
to the front rank in his profession. He was a most effective 
jury ad^'ocate, and manifested a ready perception and a 
sound judgment of the turning legal points of a case. His 
clear, practical sense, and his skill in homely or humorous 
illustration, were noticeable traits in his arguments. The 
graces and the cold artificialities of a polished rhetoric, he 
certainly had not, nor did he aim to acquire them. His 
style of expression and the cast of his thought were his own, 
having all the native force of a genuine originality. 

The following incident, of which the narration is believed 
to be substantially accurate, is from the pen of one who 
professes to write from personal knowledge. It is given in 
this connection, as at once illustrating the earlier struggles 
of Mr. Lincoln in acquiring his profession, the character 

51 



52 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of his forensic efforts and the generous gratitude and dis- 
interestedness of his nature. 

Having chosen the law as his future calling, he devoted 
himself assiduously to its mastery, contending at every 
step with adverse fortune. During this period of study 
he for some time found a home under the hospitable roof of 
one Armstrong, a farmer, who lived in a log house some 
eight miles from the village of Petersburg, in Menard 
county. Here young Lincoln would master his lessons 
by the firelight of the cabin, and then walk to town for the 
purpose of recitation. This man Armstrong was himself 
poor, but he saw the genius struggling in the young student, 
and opened to liim his rude home, and bid him welcome 
to his coarse fare. How Lincoln graduated with promise — 
how he has more than fulfilled that promise — how honor- 
ably he acquitted himself, alike on the battle-field, in de- 
fending our border settlements against the ravages of 
savage foes, and in the halls of our national legislature, are 
matters of liistory, and need no repetition here. But one 
Uttle incident, of a more private nature, standing as it does 
as a sort of sequel to some things already alluded to, I deem 
worthy of record. Some few years since, the oldest son of 
IIr. Lincoln's old friend Armstrong,the chief support of 
his widowed mother— the good old man having some time 
previously passed from earth — was arrested on the charge 
of murder. A young man had l^een killed during a riotous 
melee, in the night-time, at a camp-meeting, and one of his 
associates stated that the death-wound was inflicted by 
young Armstrong. A preliminary examination was gone 
into, at wliich the accuser testified so positively, that there 
seemed no doubt of the guilt of the prisoner, and therefore 
he was held for trial. As is too often the case, the bloody 
act caused an undue degree of excitement in the public 
mind. Every improper incident in the life of the prisoner 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 53 

— each act which bore the least semblance of rowdyism — 
each school-boy quarrel — was suddenly remembered and 
magnified, until they pictured him as a fiend of the most 
horrid hue. As these rumors spread abroad, they were 
received as gospel truth, and a feverish desire for vengeance 
seized upon the infatuated populace, while only prison 
bars prevented a horrible death at the hands of a mob. 
The events were heralded in the newspapers, painted in 
highest colors, accompanied by rejoicing over the cer- 
tainty of punishment being meted out to the guilty party. 
The prisoner, overwhelmed by the circumstances in which 
he found himself placed, fell into a melancholy condition, 
bordering upon despair; and the widowed mother, looking 
through her tears, saw no cause for hope from earthly aid. 
At this juncture, the widow received a letter from Mr. 
Lincoln, volunteering his services in an effort to save the 
youth from the impending stroke. Gladly was his aid ac- 
cepted, although it seemed impossible for even his sagacity 
to prevail in such a desperate case; but the heart of the 
attorney was in his work, and he set about it with a will 
that knew no such word as fail. Feeling that the 
poisoned condition of the pubUc mind was such as to 
preclude the possibihty of impaneling an impartial jury 
in the court having jurisdiction, he procured a change of 
venue, and a postponement of the trial. He then went 
studiously to work unraveling the history of the case, and 
satisfied liimself that Ms client was the victim of malice, 
and that the statements of the accuser were a tissue of 
falsehoods. When the trial was called on, the prisoner, 
pale and emaciated, with hopelessness wTitten on every 
feature, and accompanied by his half-hoping, half-despair- 
ing mother — whose only hope was in a mother's belief of 
her son's innocence, in the justice of the God she wor- 
shipped, and in the noble counsel, who, without hope of 



54 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

fee or reward upon earth, had undertaken the cause — 
took his seat in the prisoner's box, and with a " stony firm- 
ness" listened to the reading of the indictment. 

Lincoln sat quietly by, while the large auditory looked 
on him as though wondering what he could say in defense 
of one whose guilt they regarded as certain. The examina- 
tion of the witnesses for the State was begun, and a well- 
arranged mass of evidence, circumstantial and positive, 
was introduced, wliich seemed to impale the prisoner 
beyond the possibility of extrication. The counsel for 
the defense propounded but few questions, and those of a 
character which exited no uneasiness on the part of the 
prosecutor — merely, in most cases, requiring the main 
witness to be definite as to time and place. When the 
evidence of the prosecution was ended, Lincoln intro- 
duced a few witnesses to remove some erroneous impres- 
sions in regard to the previous character of his client, who, 
though somewhat rowdyish, had never been known to 
commit a vicious act; and to show that a greater degree 
of ill-feeling existed between the accuser and the accused, 
than the accused and the deceased. The prosecutor felt 
that the case was a clear one, and his opening speech was 
brief and formal. Lincoln arose, wliile a deathly silence 
pervaded the vast audience, and in a clear but moderate 
tone began liis argument. Slowly and carefully he re- 
viewed the testimony, pointing out the hitherto unob- 
served discrepancies in the statements of the principal 
witness. That which had seemed plain and plausible, he 
made to appear crooked as a serpent's path. The witness 
had stated that the affair took place at a certain hour in 
the evening, and that, by the aid of the brightly shining 
moon, ho saw the prisoner inflict the death-blow with a 
slung-shot. Mr. Lincoln showed, that at the hour re- 
ferred to, the moon had not yet appeared above the horizon, 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 55 

and consequently the whole tale was a fabrication. An 
almost instantaneous change seemed to have been wrought 
in the minds of liis auditors, and the verdict of "not 
guilty" was at the end of every tongue. But the advocate 
was not content with this intellectual achievement. His 
whole being had for months been bound up in this work 
of gratitude and mercy, and as the lava of the over-charged 
crater bursts from its imprisonment, so great thoughts 
and burning words leaped forth from the soul of the elo- 
quent Lincoln. He drew a picture of the perjurer, so 
horrid and ghastly that the accuser could sit under it no 
longer, but reeled and staggered from the court-room, 
while the audience fancied they could see the brand upon 
his brow. Then in words of thrilling pathos, Lincoln 
appealed to the jurors, as fathers of sons who might become 
fatherless, and as husbands of wives who might be wid- 
owed, to yield to no previous impressions, no ill-founded 
prejudice, but to do his client justice; and as he alluded to 
the debt of gratitude which he owed the boy's sire, 
tears were seen to fall from many eyes unused to weep. 
It was near night when he concluded by saying, that if 
justice was done — as he believed it would be — before the 
sun should set it would shine upon his client, a freeman. 
The jury retired, and the court adjourned for the day. 
Half an hour had not elapsed, when, as the officers of the 
court and the volunteer attorney sat at the tea-table of 
their hotel, a messenger announced that the jury had 
returned to their seats. All repaired immediately to the 
court-house, and while the prisoner was being brought 
from the jail, the court-room was filled to overflowing 
with citizens of the town. When the prisoner and his 
mother entered, silence reigned as completely as though 
the house were empty. The foreman of the jury, in an- 
swer to the usaal inquiry from the court, delivered the 



56 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

verdict of "Not Guilty!" The widow dropped into the 
arms of her son, who lifted her up, and told her to look upon 
him as before, free and innocent. Then, with the words, 
"Where is Mr. Lincoln?" he rushed across the room and 
grasped the hand of his deliverer, wliile his heart was too 
full for utterance. Lincoln turned his eyes toward the 
West, where the sun still lingered in view, and then, turn- 
ing to the youth, said, " It is not yet sundown, and you are 
free." I confess that my cheeks were not wholly unwet 
by tears, and I turned from the affecting scene. As I cast a 
glance behind, I saw Abraham Lincoln obeying the divine 
injunction, by comforting the widowed and the fatherless. 

On becoming well established in his profession, Mr. 
Lincoln took up his permanent residence at Springfield, 
the county-seat of Sangamon county. This occurred in 
the spring immediately following the passage of the act 
removing the State capital to that place, but more than 
two years before it was to go into effect. The date at 
which he became settled in Springfield, wliich was ever 
after the place of liis residence, was April 15, 1837. 

For several years after his removal, Mr. Lincoln re- 
mained a bachelor, and an inmate of the family of the Hon. 
William Butler, in later years the Treasurer of the State. 
For three or four years he continued to represent his 
county in the Legislature, but after 1S40, he refused fur- 
ther public service, with a view to the exclusive pursuit 
of his profession, the liighcst success in wliich he could 
not hope to obtain while giving so much of his time, as had 
been hitherto required of liim, to political affairs. 

On the 4th of November, 1842, Mr. Lincoln was married 
to Miss Mary Todd, daughter of the Hon. Robert S. Todd, 
of Lexington, Kentucky. Tliis lady is one of four sisters, 
the eldest of whom had previously married the Governor, 
Ninian W. Edwards, and settled at Springfield. Her two 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



57 



other sisters, subsequently married, became residents of 
the same town. Mr. Lincoln's domestic relations were 
happy, and his devoted attachment to his home and fam- 
ily was always one of the marked traits of his personal 
character. Of the four sons born to him, Robert Todd, 
the oldest, was at school at Exeter Academy, in New 
Hampsliire, when Mr. Lincoln was first nominated for 
the Presidency, and soon after entered Harvard Uni- 
versity, where he completed his course in 1864, when in 
his twenty-first year. He subsequently filled the office of 
Secretary of War under Presidents Garfield and Arthur, 
and represented his country as Minister to England. The 
second son died when four years old. The third, Willie, 
died at the White House in 1863, at the age o f twelve years. 
Thomas, familiarly called "Tad," was two years younger. 

It is proper to mention that Mrs.Lincoln was a Presby- 
terian by education and profession (two of her sisters were 
Episcopalians), and that her husband, though not a mem- 
ber, was a liberal supporter of the church to which she be- 
longed. It should further be stated that the Sunday School 
and other benevolent enterprises associated with these 
church relations found in him a constant friend. 

In this quiet domestic happiness, and in the active prac- 
tice of liis profession, with its round of ordinary duties, and 
with its exceptional cases of a more general public interest, 
Mr. Lincoln disappears for a time from political life. Its 
peculiar excitements, indeed, were not foreign to the stir- 
ring and adventurous nature wliich, as we have seen, was 
his by inheritance. Nor could the people, and the party 
of which he was so commanding a leader, long consent to 
his retirement. Yet such was liis prudent purpose — now 
■especially, with a family to care for — and to this he ad- 
hered, with only occasional exceptions, until, four years 
after his marriage, he was elected to Congress. 



58 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Mr. Lincoln had, from his first entrance into political 
life, recognized Henry Clay as his great leader and instruct- 
or in statesmanship. His reverence and attachn-.ent for 
the great Kentuckian had been imlimited and enthusiastic. 
When, therefore, ]\Ir. Clay had been nominated by acclama- 
tion for the Presidency by the National Whig Conven- 
tion, held at Baltimore on the 1st of May, 1844, and when 
a Democrat of the most offensive school was put in nomina- 
tion against him, Mr. Lincoln yielded to the demands of 
the Whigs of Illinois, and, for the first time breaking over 
the restrictions he had placed upon himself in regard to the 
exclusive pursuit of his profession, he consented to take a 
leading position in canvassing the State as an elector. In 
a State that had stood unshaken in its Democratic position, 
while so many others had been revolutionized during 
the great political tempest of 1840, there was, of course, 
no hope of immediate success. It was deemed an oppor- 
timity not to be lost, however, for maintaining and 
strengthening the Wliig organization, and a spirited 
canvass was subsequently made. 

On the Democratic side, John C. Calhoun, then one of 
the strongest and most popular speakers of that party, 
and in many respects quite another man than he subse- 
quently became, held the laboring oar for Mr. Polk. Mr. 
Lincoln traversed various parts of the State, attracting 
large audiences and keeping their fixed attention for hours, 
as he held up to adfniration the character and doctrines 
of Henry Clay, and contrasted them with those of his 
Presidential opponent. On the tariff question, which 
was the chief issue in Illinois that year, he was particularly 
elaborate, strongly enforcing the great principles on which 
the protective system, as maintained by Clay, was based. 
He had always a fund of anecdote and illustration, with 
which to relieve his close logical disquisitions, and to 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 59 

elucidate and enforce his views in a manner perfectly in- 
telligible, as well as pleasing to all classes of hearers. 
This campaign, so barren in immediate results, as it was 
expected to be in Illinois, was not without its excellent 
fruits, ultimately, to the party. It had also the effect of 
establishing Mr. Lincoln's reputation as a political orator, 
on a still broader and more permanent foundation. From 
tills time forward he was widely known as one of the 
soundest and most effective of Whig champions in the 
West. 

After doing in Illinois all that could have been required 
of one man, had this arena been of the most promising de- 
scription, Mr. Lincoln crossed the Wabash, at the desire 
of the people of his former State, and contributed largely 
toward turning the tide of battle for Clay in that really 
hopeful field. Here he worked most efficiently, losing no 
opportunity up to the very eve of the election. In In- 
diana, those efforts were not forgotten, but were freshly 
called to mind, at a later juncture, by great numbers of 
Old Whigs in Southern Indiana. 

If any event, more heartily than another, could have 
discouraged Mr. Lincoln from again participating in 
political affairs, it was the disastrous result, in the nation 
at large, of this canvass of 1S44. He felt it more keenly 
than he could have done if it were a mere personal reverse. 
Mr. Clay was defeated, contrary to the ardent hopes and 
even expectations of his friends down to the last moment. 
Of the causes and the consequences which followed that 
event, the impartial historian, at some future day, can 
more candidly and philosophically speak than any 
of those who shared in this disappointment. That the 
election of Mr. Polk over Mr. Clay, made the subsequent 
political history of our country far different from what it 
would have been with the opposite result, all will concede. 



60 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Two years later, in 1846, Mr. Lincoln was induced to ac- 
cept the Whig nomination for Congress in the Sangamon 
District. The annexation of Texas had, in the mean- 
time, been consummated. The Mexican war had been . 
begun, and was still in progress. The Whig tariff of 1842 
had just been repealed. This latter event had been ac- 
complished in the Senate by the casting vote of Mr. Dallas, 
the Vice-President, and with the official approval of Mr. 
Polk, the President, both of whom had been elected by 
the aid of Pennsylvania, and had carried the vote of that 
State solely by being represented to the people as favoring 
the maintenance of the tariff which they thus destroyed. 

The Springfield district had given Mr. Clay a majority 
of 914 in 1844, on the most thorough canvass. It gave 
Mr. Lincoln a majority of 1,511, wliich was entirely un- 
precedented, and has been unequalled by that given there 
for any opposition candidate, for any office since. The near- 
est approach was in 1848, when General Taylor, on a much 
fuller vote than that of 1846, and receiving the votes of 
numerous returned Mexican volunteers, of Democratic 
faith, and who had served under him in Mexico, obtained 
a majority of 1,501. Li the same year (1848) Mr. Logan, 
the popular Whig candidate, was beaten by Colonel 
Thomas L. Harris, Democrat, by 106 majority. There 
was no good reason to doubt, in advance, that Mr. Lincoln 
•would have been elected by a handsome majority, had he 
consented to run for another term, nor has it been ques- 
tionable, since the result became known, that the strong 
personal popularity of Mr. Lincoln would have i saved 
the district. It was redeemed by Richard Yates in 1850, 
who carried his election by less than half the majority (754) 
which Mr. Lincoln had received in 1845. The district, 
after its reconstruction, following the census of 1850, was 
for ten years Democratic. Under all the circumstances. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 61 

therefore, the vote for Mr. Lincoln was a remarkable one, 
showing that he possessed a rare degree of strength with 
the people. His earnest sincerity of manner always 
strongly impressed those whom he addressed. They 
knew him to be a man of strong moral convictions. An 
opponent seemed to intend a sneer at this trait, when he 
called Mr. Lincoln "conscientious," but it was a quality 
to which the people were never indifferent. 

There was a universal confidence in his honest integrity, 
such as has been rarely extended to men so prominent in 
political life. The longer he was tried as a public servant, 
the more his constituents became attached to him. A 
popularity thus thoroughly grounded is not to be destroyed 
by the breezes of momentary passion or prejudice, or 
materially affected by any idle fickleness of the populace. 



CHAPTER V. 

Mr. Lincoln in Congress— 1847-'49. 

Mr. Lincoln took his seat in the National House of 
Representatives on the 6th day of December, 1847, the 
date of the opening of the Thirtieth Congress. In many 
respects this Congress was a memorable one. That which 
preceded, elected at the same time Mr. Polk was chosen 
to the Presidency, had been strongly Democratic in both 
branches. The policy of the Administration, however, 
had been such, during the first two years of its existence, 
that a great popular re-action had followed. The present 
House contained but one hundred and ten Democrats, 
while the remaining one hundred and eighteen, with the 
exception of a single Native American from Philadelphia, 
were nearly all Whigs, the balance being "Free-Soil men, " 
who mostly co-operated with them. Of these, only 
Messrs. Giddings, Tuck and Palfrey refused to vote for 
the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop for Speaker, who was elected 
on the tliird ballot. 

At tills session, Stephen A. Douglas took his seat in 
the Senate, for the first time, having been elected the 
previous winter. In that body there were but twenty-two 
Opposition Senators, against thirty-six Democrats. Among 
the former were Daniel Webster, Wm. L. Dayton, S. S. 
Phelps, Jolm M. Clayton, Reverdy Johnson, Thomas 
Corwin, John M. Berrien, and John Bell. On the Demo- 
cratic side were John C. Calhoun, Thomas H. Benton, 
Daniel S. Dickenson, Simon Cameron, Hannibal Hamlin, 

63 



64 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Sam Houston, R. M. T. Hunter, and William R. King. 
Mr. Lincoln was comparatively quite a young man 
when he entered the House, yet he was early recognized 
as one of the foremost of the Western men on the floor. 
His Congressional record, throughout, is that of a Whig of 
those days, his votes on all leading national subjects, 
being invariably what those of Clay, Webster or Corwin 
would have been, had they occupied his place. One of 
the most prominent subjects of consideration before the 
Thirtieth Congress, very naturally, was the then existing 
war with Mexico. Mr. Lincoln was one of those who 
believed the Administration had not properly managed its 
affairs with Mexico at the outset, and who, wliile voting 
supplies, and for suitably rewarding our gallant soldiers 
in that war, were unwilling to be forced, by any trick of 
the supporters of the Administration, into an unqualified 
indorsement of its course in this affair, from beginning 
to end. In tliis attitude,'MR. Lincoln did not stand alone. 
Such was the position of Wliig members in both Houses, 
without exception. Yet Ms course was unscrupulously 
misrepresented during the campaign of 1858, as it was 
more or less on other occasions since. That many men 
who supported Mr. Lincoln, approved President Polk's 
course in regard to the Mexican War, as well in its inception 
as in its management from first to last, is not improbable. 
But all those, who at that time, were induced by their party 
relations to sustain the Administration, at heart approved 
the method in wliich hostilities were precipitated, or felt 
satisfied that the most commendable motives actuated the 
Government in its course toward Mexico, is certainly not 
true. This is not an issue that any existing party need be 
anxious to resuscitate. Still less would the friends of Mr. 
Lincoln be reluctant to have his record on tliis question 
scrutinized to the fullest extent. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 65 

Early in the session, after listening to a long homily on 
the subject from the President, in his annual message, in 
which the gauntlet was defiantly thrown down before the 
Opposition members, and after his colleague, Mr. Richard- 
son, had proposed an unqualified endorsement of the Presi- 
dent's views, Mr. Lincoln (December 22, 1S47) introduced 
a series of resolutions of inquiry in regard to the origin of 
the war. They affirmed nothing, but called for definite offi- 
cial information, such as, if conclusively furnished in detail, 
and found to accord with the general asseverations of Mr. 
Polk's messages, would have set him and his administration 
entirely right before the country. Either such information 
was accessible, or the repeated statements of the President 
on this subject were groundless, and his allegations mere 
pretenses. If the Democratic party was in the right, it 
had not the least occasion to complain of this procedure, 
if pressed to a vote. Mr. Lincoln's preamble and resolu- 
tions (copied from the Congressional Globe, first session, 
Thirtieth Congress, page 64) were in the following words: 

Whereas, The President of the United States, in his 
message of May 11, 1846, has declared that "the Mexican 
Government not only refused to receive him (the envoy 
of the United States), or listen to his propositions, but, after 
a long-continued series of menaces, has at last invaded our 
territory, and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our 
own soil." 

And again, in liis message of December 8, 1846, that 
"We had ample cause of war against Mexico long before 
the breaking out of hostilities ; but even then we forbore to 
take redress into our own hands until Mexico herself 
became the aggressor, by invading our soil in hostile array, 
and shedding the blood of our citizens:" 

And yet again, in his message of December 7, 1847, that 
"The Mexican Government refused even to hear the terms 



66 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of adjustment which he (our minister of peace) was author- 
ized to propose, and finally, under wholly unjustifiable 
pretexts, involved the two countries in war, by invading the 
territory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow and 
shedding the blood of our citizens on our own soil:" and. 

Whereas, This House is desirous to obtain a full 
knowledge of all the facts which go to establish whether 
the particular spot on which the blood of our citizens was so 
shed was or was not at that time "oiu- own soil:" therefore, 

Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the 
President of the United States be respectfully requested 
to inform this House — 

1st. Whether the spot on wh'ch the blood of our 
citizens was shed, as in his message declared, was or was 
not within the territory of Spain, at least after the treaty 
of 1819, until the Mexican revolution. 

2d. Whether that spot is or is not within the territory 
which was wrested from Spain by the revolutionary gov- 
ernment of Mexico. 

3d. Whether that spot is or is not within a settlement 
of people, which settlement has existed ever since long 
before the Texas revolution, and until its inhabitants fled 
before the approach of the United States army. 

4th. Whether that settlement is or is not isolated from 
any and all other settlements by the Gulf and the Rio 
Grande on the south and west, and by wide uninhabited 
regions on the north and east. 

5th. Whether the people of that settlement, or a ma- 
jority of them, or any of them, have ever submitted them- 
selves to the government or laws of Texas or of the United 
States, by consent or by compulsion, either by accepting 
office, or voting at elections, or paying tax, or ser\'ing on 
juries, or having process served on them, or in any other 
way. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 67 

6th. Whether the people of that settlement did or did 
not flee from the approach of the United States army, 
leaving unprotected their homes and their growing crops, 
before the blood was shed, as in the messages stated; and 
whether the first blood so shed, was or was not shed within 
the inclosure of one of the people who had thus fled from it. 

7th. Whether our citizens, whose blood was shed, as in 
liis messages declared, were or were not, at that time, 
armed officers and soldiers, sent into that settlement by the 
military order of the President, through the Secretary of 
War. 

8th. Whether the military force of the United States 
was or was not so sent into that settlement after General 
Taylor had more than once intimated to the War Depart- 
ment that, in his opinion, no such movement was neces- 
sary to the defense or protection of Texas. 

These resolutions were laid over, under the rule. Many 
other propositions, embracing the substance of this ques- 
tion were also brought before the house, besides Mr. 
Richardson's, which ultimately failed. Mr. Lincoln 
did not call up Ms resolutions, nor were they acted upon; 
but he commented upon them in a speech subsequently 
made. 

On the same day almost immediately following the 
above action, joint resolutions of thanks to General 
Zachary Taylor and our troops in Mexico, having been 
offered, an amendment was proposed by Mr. Henley, a 
Democratic member from Indiana, as an adroit political 
maneuver, by which it was designed to secure an in- 
dorsement of the war from the Whigs, or a refusal of the 
vote of thanks. He moved the addition of this clause to 
the resolutions: "engaged, as they were, in defending the 
rights and honor of the nation." As an amendment to 
the amendment, in order to defeat its underhand purpose, 



G8 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Mr. Ashmun promptly moved to add the words: "In a 
war unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun by the 
President of the United States, " Mr. Lincoln voted for 
Ashmun's amendment to Henley's amendment. So also 
did Messrs. Clingman and Barringer, of North Carolina; 
A. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs and Thomas Butler King, 
of Georgia; Goggiij, of Virginia; Gentry, of Tennessee ; and 
a majority of all those voting. The object intended, of 
defeating the brilliant movement of Mr. Henley, was 
accomplished. The amendment, as amended, was not 
carried. The resolutions in their original shape, were sub- 
sequentty re-introduced by Mr. Stephens, and adopted 
without opposition. (Congressional Globe, page 304.) 

On the 12th day of January, 1848, Mr. Lincoln expressed 
liis views, frankly and fully, in regard to the war With 
Mexico. It was the first speech made by Mr. Lincoln in 
Congress, and is subjoined entire, as reported in the Ap- 
pencUx to the Congressional Globe [1st session, 30th Con- 
gress, page 93]: 

Mr. Lincoln's Speech on the Mexican War. 
(In Committee of the Whole House, January 12, 1848.) 

Mr. Lincoln addressed the Committee as follows: 
Mr. Chairman : Some, if not all, of the gentlemen on the 
other side of the House, who have addressed the Com- 
mittee within the last two days, have spoken rather com- 
plainingly, if I have rightly understood them, of the vote 
given a week or ten days ago, declaring that the war with 
Mexico was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally com- 
menced by the President. I admit that such a vote should 
not be given in mere party wantonness, and that the one 
given is justly censurable, if it have no other or better 
foundation. I am one of those who joined in that vote; 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



69 



and did so under my best impression of the truth of the 
case. How I got this impression, and how it may possibly 
be removed I will now try to show. When the war began, 
it was my opinion that all those who, because of Icnowing 
too little, or because of knowing too much, could not con- 
scientiously approve the conduct of the President (in the 
beginning of it), should, nevertheless, as good citizens and 
patriots, remain silent on that point, at least till the war 
should be ended. Some leacUng Democrats, including 
ex-President Van Buren, have taken this same view, as I 
understand them; and I adhered to it, and acted upon it, 
until since I took my seat here; and I think I should still 
adhere to it, were it not that the President and his friends 
will not allow it to be so. Besides, the continual effort of 
the President to argue every silent vote given for supplies 
into an indorsement of the justice and wisdom of his 
conduct; besides that singularly candid paragraph in his 
late message, in wliich he tells us that Congress with great 
unanimity (only two in the Senate and fourteen in the 
House dissenting) had declared that "by the act of the 
Republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that 
Government and the United States;" when the same 
journals that informed him of this, also informed him that 
when that declaration stood disconnected from the ques- 
tion of supplies, sixty-seven in the House, and not fourteen 
merely, voted against it; besides this open attempt to 
prove by telling the truth, what he could not prove by 
telling the whole truth, demanding of all who will not sub- 
mit to be misrepresented, in justice to themselves, to 
speak out; besides all this, one of my colleagues (Mr. 
Richardson), at a very early day in the session, brought 
in a set of resolutions, expressly indorsing the original 
justice of the war on the part of the President. Upon 
these resolutions, when they shall be put upon their passage 



70 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



I shall be compelled to vote; so that I cannot be silent 
if I would. Seeing this, I went about preparing myself to 
give the vote understandingly, when it should come. I 
carefully examined the President's messages, to ascertain 
what he himself had said and proved upon the point. The 
result of this examination was to make the impression, 
that, taking for true all the President states as facts, he 
falls far short of proving his justification; and that the 
President would have gone farther with his proof, if it had 
not been for the small matter that the truth would not 
permit him. Under the impression thus made I gave the 
vote before mentioned. I propose now to give, concisely, the 
process of the examination I made, and how I reached the 
conclusion I did. 

The president, in his first message of May, 1846, declares 
that the soil was ours on which hostilities were commenced 
by Mexico, and he repeats that declaration, almost in the 
same language, in each successive annual message — thus 
showing that he esteems that point a higlily essential one. 
In the importance of that point I entirely agree with the 
President. To my judgment it is the very point upon 
which he should be justified or condemmed. In his message 
of December, 1846, it seems to have occurred to him, as 
is certainly true, that title ownersliip to soil, or to any- 
thing else, is not a simple fact, but is a conclusion following 
one or more simple facts, and that it was incumbent upon 
him to present the facts from wliich he concluded the soil 
was ours on wliich the first blood of the war was shed. 

Accordingly, a little below the middle of page twelve in 
the message last referred to, he enters upon that task ; form- 
ing an issue and introducing testimony, extending the 
■whole to a little below the middle of page fourteen. Now, 
I propose to try to show that the whole of this — issue and 
evidence — is, from beginning to end, the sheerest decep- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 71 

tion. The issue, as he presents it, is in these words: "but 
there are those who, conceding all this to be true, assume 
the ground that the true western boundary of Texas is the 
Nueces, instead of the Rio Grande; and that, therefore, 
in marching our army to the east bank of the latter river, 
we passed the Texan Hne, and invaded the territory of 
Mexico. " Now, this issue is made up of two aflfirmatives 
and no negatives. The main deception of it is, that it 
assumes as true that one river or the other is necessarily 
the boundary, and cheats the superficial thinker entirely 
out of the idea that possibly the boundary is somewhere 
between the two, and not actually at either. A further 
deception is, that it will let in evidence which a true issue 
would exclude. A true issue made by the President would 
be about as follows: " I say the soil was ours on which the 
first blood was shed; there are those who say it was not. " 
I now proceed to examine the President's evidence, as 
applicable to such an issue. When that evidence is ana- 
lyzed, it is all included in the following propositions: 
' 1. That the Rio Grande was the western boundary of 
Louisiana, as we purchased it from France in 1803. 

2. That the Republic of Texas always claimed the 
Rio Grande as her western boundary. 

3. That by various acts, she had claimed it on paper. 

4. That Santa Anna, in his treaty with Texas, recog- 
nized the Rio Grande as her boundary. 

5. That Texas before, and the United States after, an- 
nexation, had exercised jurisdiction beyond the Nueces, 
between the two rivers. 

6. That our Congress understood the boundary of Texas 
to extend beyond the Nueces. 

Now for each of these in its turn. 

His first item is, that the Rio Grande was the western 
boundary of Louisiana, as we purchased it of France in 



72 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

1803; and, seeming to expect this to be disputed, he 
argues over the amount of nearly a page to prove it true ; 
at the end of which, he lets us know that, by the treaty of 
1819, we sold to Spain the whole country, from the Rio 
Grande eastward to the Sabine. Now, admitting for the 
present, that the Rio Grande was the boundary of Louisiana 
what, imder heaven, had that to do with the present 
boundary between us and ]\Iexico? How, Mr. Chairman, 
the Une that once divided your land from mine can still 
be the boundary between us after I have sold my land to 
you, is, to me, beyond all comprehension. And how any 
man, with an honest purpose only of proving the truth, 
could ever have thought of introducing such a fact to prove 
such an issue, is equally incomprehensible. The outrage 
upon common right, of seizing as our own what we have 
once sold, merely because it was ours before we sold it, is 
only equalled by the outrage on common sense of any 
attempt to justify it. 

The President's next piece of evidence is, that "The 
RepubUc of Texas always claimed this river (Rio Grande) 
as her western boundary." That is not true, in fact. 
Texas has claimed it, but she has not always claimed it. 
There is, at least, one distinguished exception. Her State 
Constitution — the public's most solemn and well-con- 
sidered act; that wliich may, ^vithout impropriety, be 
called her last wall and testament, revoking all others — 
make no such claim. But suppose she had always claimed 
it? Has not Mexico always claimed the contrary? So 
that there is but claim against claim, leaving nothing 
proved until we get back of the claims, and find wliich has 
the better foundation. 

Though not in the order in which the President presents 
liis evidence, I now consider that class of his statements, 
which are, in substance, nothing more than that Texas 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. • 73 

has, by various acts of her Convention and Congress, 
claimed the Rio Grande as her boundary — on paper. I 
mean here what he says about the fixing of the Rio Grande 
as her boundary, in her own Constitution (not her State 
Constitution), about forming congressional districts, coun- 
ties, etc. Now, all this is but naked claim; and what I 
have already said about claims is strictly applicable to this. 
If I should claim your land by word of mouth, that certainly 
would not make it mine, and if I were to claim it by a 
deed which I had made myself, and with which you had 
nothing to do, the claim would be quite the same in sub- 
stance, or rather in utter nothingness. 

I next consider -the President's statement that Santa 
Anna, in his treaty with Texas, recognized the Rio Grande 
as the Western boundary of Texas. Besides the position 
so often taken, that Santa Anna, while a prisoner of war — 
a captive — could not bind Mexico by a treaty, which I deem 
conclusive; besides this; I wish to say something in rela- 
tion to this treaty, so called by the President, wi1,h Santa 
Anna. If any man would like to be amused by a sight at 
that little thing, wliich the President calls by that hig name, 
he can have it by turning to Nile's register, volume 50, 
page 336. And if any one should suppose that Niles' 
Register is a curious repository of so mighty a document 
as a solemn treaty between nations, I can only say that I 
learned, to a tolerable degree of certainty, by inquiry at 
the State Department, that the President himself never 
saw it anywhere else. By the way, I believe, I should not 
err if I were to declare, that during the first ten years of 
the existence of that document, it was never by anybody 
called a treaty; that it was never so called till the President, 
in his extremity, attempted, by so calling it, to wring 
something from it in justification to himself in connection 
with the Mexican war. It has none of the distinguishing 



74 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

features of a treaty. It does not call itself a treaty. Santa 
Anna does not therein assume to bind Mexico; he assumes 
only to act as President, Commander in-Chief of the Mexi- 
can army and navy; stipulates that the then present hos- 
tilities should cease, and that he would not himself take 
up arms, nor influence the Mexican people to take up arms, 
against Texas, during the existence of the war of Indepen- 
dence. He did not recognize the independence of Texas, 
he did not assume to put an end to the war, but clearly 
indicated his expectation of its continuance; he did not say 
one word about boundary, and most probably never 
thought of it. It is stipulated therein, that the Mexican 
forces should evacuate the territory of Texas, 'passing to 
the other side of the Rio Grande; and in another article it is 
stipulated, that to prevent collisions between the armies, 
the Texan army should not approach nearer than within 
five leagues — of what is not said — but clearly, from the 
object stated, it is of the Rio Grande. Now, if this is a 
treaty recognizing the Rio Grande as the boundary of 
Texas, it contains the singular feature of stipulating that 
Texas shall not go within five leagues of Jier own boundary. 
Next comes the evidence of Texas before annexation, 
and the United States afterward, exercising jurisdiction 
beyond the Nueces, and between the two rivers. This 
actual exercise of jurisdiction is the very class or quality of 
evidence we want. It is excellent so far as it goes; but 
does it go far enough? He tells us it went beyond the 
Nueces, but he does not tell us it went to the Rio Grande. 
He tells us jurisdiction was exercised between the two rivers, 
but he does not tell us it was exercised over all the territory 
between them. Some simple-minded people think it 
possible to cross one river and go beyond it, without going 
all the way to the next; that jurisdiction may be exer- 
cized between two rivers without covering all the country 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



75 



between them. I know a man, not very unlike myself, 
who exercises jurisdiction over a piece of land between the 
Wabash and the Mississippi; and yet so far is tliis from 
being all there is between those rivers, that it is just one 
hundred and fifty-two feet long by fifty wide, and no part 
of it much within a hundred miles of either. He has a 
neighbor between him and the Mississippi— that is, just 
across the street, in that direction— whom, I am sure, he 
could neither persuade nor force to give up his habitation ; 
but which, nevertheless, he could certainly armex, if it 
were to be done, by merely stancUng on his own side of the 
street and claiming it, or even sitting down and writing 
a deed for it. 

But next, the President tells us the Congress of the 
United States understood the State of Texas they admitted 
into the Union to extend beyond the Nueces. Well, I sup- 
pose they did— I certainly so understand it— but how far 
beyond? That Congress did not understand it to extend 
clear to the Rio Grande, is quite certain by the fact of their 
joint resolutions for admission, expressly leaving all ques- 
tions of boundary to futiu-e adjustment. And, it may be 
added, that Texas herself is proved to have had the same 
understanding of it that our Congress had, by the fact of the 
exact conformity of ther new Constitution to those reso- 
lutions. 

I am now through the whole of the President's evidence; 
and it is a singular fact, that if any one should declare the 
President sent the army into the midst of a settlement of 
Mexican people, who had never submitted, by consent or 
by force to the authority of Texas or of the United States, 
and that there, and thereby, the first blood of the war was 
shed, there is not one word in all the President has said 
which would either admit or deny the declaration. In this 
strange omission chiefly consists the deception of the Presi- 



76 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

dent's evidence — an omission which, it does seem to me, 
could scarcely have occurred but by design. My way of 
living leads me to be about the courts of justice; and there 
I have sometimes seen a good lawyer struggling for his 
client's neck, in a desperate case, emplojdng every artifice 
to work round, befog, and cover up with many words some 
position pressed upon him by the prosecution, which he 
dared not admit, and yet could not deny. Party bias may 
help to make it appear so; but with all the allowance I 
can make for such bias, it still does appear to me that just 
such, and from just such necessity, are the President's 
struggles in this case. 

Some time after my colleague (Mr. Richardson) intro- 
duced the resolutions I have mentioned, I introduced a 
preamble, resolution, and interrogatories, intended to 
draw the President out, if possible, on this hitherto un- 
trodden ground. To show their relevancy, I proposed to 
state my understanding of the true rule for ascertaining the 
boundary between Texas and Mexico. It is, that vJierever 
Texas was exercising jurisdiction was heT»; and wherever 
Mexico was exercising jurisdiction was hers; and that 
whatever separated the actual exercise of jurisdiction of the 
one from that of the other, was the true boundary between 
them. If, as is probably true, Texas was exercising jurisdic- 
tion along the western bank of the Nueces, and Mexico 
was exercising it along the eastern bank of the Rio Grande, 
then neither river was the boimdary, but the uninhabited 
country between the two was. The extent of our territory 
in that region depended not on any treaty-fixed boundary 
(for no treaty had attempted it), but on revolution. Any 
people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, 
have the right to rise up and shake off the existing govern- 
ment, and form a new one that suits them better. This 
is a most valuable, a most sacred right — a right which, we 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 77 

hope and believe, is to liberate the world. Nor is this 
right confined to cases in wliich the whole people of an 
existing government may choose to exercise it. Any por- 
tion of such people that can may revolutionize, and make 
their own of so much of the territory as they inhabit. 
More than this, a majority of any portion of such people 
may revolutionize, putting down a minority, intermingled 
with, or near about them, who may oppose their move- 
ments. Such minority was precisely the case of the 
Tories of our own Revolution. It is a quaUty of revolu- 
tions not to go by old lines, or old laws; but to break up 
both, and make up new ones. As to the country now in 
question, we bought it of France in 1803, and sold it to 
Spain in 1819, according to the President's statement. 
After this, all Mexico, including Texas, revolutionized 
against Spain ; and still later, Texas revolutionized against 
Mexico. In my view, just so far as she carried her revolu- 
tion, by obtaining the actual, willing or unwilling submis- 
sion of the people, so far the country was hers, and no 
further. 

Now, sir, for the purpose of obtaining the very best evi- 
dence as to whether Texas had actually carried her revolu- 
tion to a place where the hostilities of the present war com- 
menced, let the President answer the interrogatories I 
proposed, as before mentioned, or some other similar ones. 
Let him answer fully, fairly and candidly. Let him an- 
swer with facts, and not with arguments. Let liim re- 
member he sits where Washington sat; and so remember- 
ing, let him answer as Washington would answer. As a 
nation should not, and the Ahnighty will not, be evaded, so 
let him attempt no evasion, no equivocation. And if, so 
answering, he can show that the soil was ours where the 
first blood of the war was shed — that it was not within an 
inhabited country, or, if within such, that the inhabitants 



78 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

had submitted themselves to the civil authority of Texas, 
or of the United States, and that the same is true of the 
site of Fort Brown — then I am with him for his justification. 
In that case, I shall be most happy to reverse the vote I 
gave the other day. I have a selfish motive for desiring 
that the President may do tliis; I expect to give some 
votes, in connection with the war, wliich, without his so 
doing, will be of doubtful propriety in my own judgment, 
but which will be free from the doubt, if he does so. But 
if he can not or will not do this — if, on any pretense, or no 
pretense, he shall refuse or omit it — then I shall be fully 
convinced, of what I more than suspect already, that he 
is deeply conscious of being in the wrong; that he feels the 
blood of tins war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to heaven 
against liim; that he ordered General Taylor into the 
midst of a peaceful Mexican settlement, purposely to bring 
on a war; that originally having some strong motive — 
what I will not stop now to give my opinion concerning — 
to involve the two countries in a war, and trusting to es- 
cape scrutiny by fixing the public gaze upon the exceeding 
brightness of military glory — that attractive rainbow that 
rises in showers of blood — that serpent's eye that charms 
to destroy — he plunged into it, and has swept on and on, 
till, disappointed in his calculation of the ease with which 
Mexico might be subdued, he now finds himself he knows 
not where. How like the half insane mumbling of a fever 
dream is the whole war part of the late message ! At one 
time telling us that Mexico has notliing whatever that we 
can get but territory ; at another, showing us how we can 
support the war by levying contributions on Mexico. At 
one time urging the national honor, the security of tlie 
future, the prevention of foreign interference, and even the 
good of Mexico herself, as among the objects of the war; 
at another, telUng us that, "to reject indemnity by refus- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 79 

ing to accept a cession of territory, would be to abandon all 
our just demands, and to wage the war, bearing all its ex- 
penses, without a purpose or definite object. " So, then, the 
national honor, security of the future, and ever)d;hing but 
territorial indemnity, may be coiisidered the no purposes 
and indefinite objects of the war! But having it now 
settled that territorial indemnity is the only object, we are 
urged to seize by legislation here, all that he was content to 
take a few months ago, and the whole province of Lower 
CaUfornia to boot, and to still carry on the war — to take 
all we are fighting for, and still fight on. Again, the Presi- 
dent is resolved, under all circumstances, to have full terri- 
torial indemnity for the expenses of the war; but he forgets 
to tell us how we are to get the excess after those expenses 
shall have surpassed the value of the whole of the Mexican 
territory. So, again, he insists that the separate national 
existence of Mexico shall be maintained; but he does not 
tell us how this can be done after we have taken all her 
territory. Lest the questions I here suggest be considered 
speculative merely, let me be indulged a moment in trying 
to show they are not. 

The war has gone on some twenty months; for the ex- 
penses of which, together with an inconsiderable old score, 
the President now claims about one-half of the Mexican 
territory, and that by far the better half, so far as concerns 
our ability to make anytliing out of it. It is comparatively 
uninhabited; so that we could establish land offices in it, 
and raise some money in that way But the other half 
is already inhabited, as I understand it, tolerably densely 
for the nature of the country; and all its lands, or all that 
are valuable, already appropriated as private property. 
How, then, are we to make anything out of these lands 
with this incumbrance upon them, or how remove the in- 
cumbrance? I suppose no one will say we should kill the 



80 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

people, or drive them out, or make slaves of them, or even 
confiscate their property! How, then, can we make much 
out of this part of the territory? If the prosecution of the 
war has, in expenses, already equaled the better half of the 
country, how long its future prosecution will be in equahng 
the less valuable half is not a speculative but a practical 
question, pressing closely upon us ; and yet it is a question 
which the President seems never to have thought of. 

As to the mode of terminating the war and securing 
peace, the President is equally wandering and indefinite. 
First, it is to be done by a more vigorous prosecution of the 
war in the vital parts of the enemy's country; and, after 
apparently talking himself tired upon this point, the 
President drops down into a half-despairing lone, and 
tells us that, "with a people distracted and cU\'ided by 
contending factions, and a government subject to constant 
changes; by successive revolutions, the continued success of 
our arms may jail to ohtaiii a satisfactory peace. " Then he 
suggests the propriety of wheedling the Mexican people 
to desert the counsels of their own leaders, and, trusting 
in our protection, to set up a government from which we 
can secure a satisfactory peace, telling us that " this may 
become the only mode of obtaining such a peace. " But soon 
he falls into doubt of this, too, and then drops back on to 
the already half-abandoned ground of "more \-igorous 
prosecution. " All this shows that the President is in no 
wise satisfied with his oasti positions. First, he takes 
up one, and, in attempting to argue us into it, he argues 
himself out of it; then seizes another, and goes through the 
same process; and then, confused at being able to think 
of nothing new, he snatches up the old one again, which 
he has some time before cast off. His mind, tasked be- 
yond its power, is running hither and thither, Hke some 
tortured creature on a burning surface, finding no position 
on which it can settle dowm and be at ease. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 81 

Again, it is a singular omission in tiiis message that it 
nowhere intimates when the President expects the war to 
terminate. At its beginning, General Scott was, by this 
same • President, driven into disfavor, if not disgrace, for 
intimating that peace could not be conquered in less than 
three or four months. But now at the end of about twenty 
months, during which time our arms have given us the 
most splendid successes — every department, and every 
part, land and water, officers and privates, regulars and 
volunteers, doing all that men could do, and hundreds 
of things which it had ever before been thought that men 
could not do; after all this, this same President gives us a 
long message without showing us that, as to the eiid, he has 
himself even an imaginary conception. As I have before 
said, he knows not where he is. He is a bewildered, con- 
founded, and mis'erably perplexed man. God grant he 
may be able to show that there is not something about his 
conscience more painful than all his mental perplexity. 

Mr. Lincoln was an industrious member of the Com- 
mittee on Post-offices, and Post-roads, and thoroughly 
acquainted himself with the details of that prominent 
branch of the public service. On the 5th of January, 
1848, he made a clear and pertinent speech in regard to a 
question of temporary interest which then excited con- 
siderable attention, the "Great Southern Mail" contract. 
Some of the Virginia Whig members had taken issue with 
the Postmaster-General, in regard to his action on this 
question, and there were indications of an attempt to give 
a partisan turn to the affair, Mr. Lincoln sustained the 
action of that Democratic official, insisting that his con- 
struction of the law in this instance, which was the more 
economical, was also the more correct one. 

The subject of internal improvements, as before indi- 
cated, had long been one in which Mr. Lincoln had taken 



82 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

a special interest. In the Illinois Legislature, he had 
favored the policy of developing the resources of the State 
by the fostering aid of the local government, in so far as 
he might, under the constant restraints of a Democratic 
majority. The great River and Harbor Improvement 
Convention, held at Chicago, not long before the com- 
mencement of his Congressional Hfe, he had particapated 
in, as one of its most active and earnest members. A 
brief, fifteen-minute speech of his on that occasion, of 
which there appears to be no report extant, is still remem- 
bered by many of those who heard it, as one of the most 
eloquent and impressive efforts of that memorable con- 
vention, wliich was presided over by the Hon. Edward 
Bates, of St. Louis. Aside from the celebrated speech 
of the latter, a theme of constant praise from that day 
to the present, no more electrifying address was made 
before the convention than that of Mr. Lincoln. 

The first session of the Thirtieth Congress was prolonged 
far beyond the date of the Presidential nominations of 1848, 
and the canvass was actively carried on by members on 
the floor of the House. Mr. Lincoln warmly sustained 
the nomination of General Taylor, and before the adjourn- 
ment of Congress, he made, in accordance with precedent 
and general practice, one of his characteristic campaign 
speeches. He was able to give as well as take. He said 
some things in a vein of sarastic humor, wliich could only 
have been mistaken for actual bitterness, by those who 
did not know the really genial character of the man. Argu- 
ment, ridicule and illustrative anecdotes were brought into 
requisition, with great ability and unsparing boldness, in 
setting the real issues of the canvass, political and personal 
in what he deemed a proper light before the people. 

This session of Congress came to a close on the 14th day 
of August. The chief points of Mr. Lincoln's Congres- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 83 

sional record, thus far, have been noticed, and his principal 
speeches given at length. He stood firmly by the side 
of John Quincy Adamg, in favor of the unrestricted right 
of petition, as will be seen by liis vote, among others, 
against laying on the table a petition presented by Caleb 
B. Smith (December 27, 1847), praying for the abolition 
of slavery and the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. 
He favored a liberal policy toward the people in disposing 
of the public lands, as indicated by his imperfectly reported 
remarks, (May 11, 1848), at the time of the passing of the 
bill admitting Wisconsin into the Union as a State. He 
was careful to scrutinize particular claims, to satisfy 
Avhich he was asked to vote for an appropriation, as in the 
case of the proposition to pay the Texas volunteers for 
lost horses (May 4, 1848). All his acts show a purpose to 
do his duty to the country, no less than to lais immediate 
constituents, without fear or favor. 

After the session closed, Mr Lincoln made a visit to 
New England, where he delivered come effective campaign 
speeches, which were enthusiastically received by his large 
audiences, as appears from the reports in the journals of 
those days, and as will be remembered by many. His 
time, however, was chiefly given, during the Congressional 
recess, to the canvass in the West, where, through the 
personal strength of Mr. Cass as a Northwestern man, the 
contest was more severe and exciting than in any other 
part of the country. The final triumph of General Taylor, 
over all the odds against him, did much to counterbalance, 
in Mr. Lincoln's mind, the disheartening defeat of four 
years previous. As before stated, he had declined to be a 
candidate for re-election to Congress, yet he had the satis- 
faction of aiding to secure, in his own district, a majority 
of 1,500 for the Whig Presidential candidates. 

Mr. Lincoln again took his seat in the House in Decem- 



84 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

ber, on the re-assembling of the Thirtieth Congress for its 
second session. Coming between the Presidential election, 
which had effected a political revolution, and the inaugura- 
tion of the new Government, this session was generally a 
quiet one, passing away without any very important 
measure of general legislation being acted upon. A calm 
had followed the recent storms. There were, indeed, 
certain movements in regard to slavery and the slave-trade 
in the District of Columbia, which produced some temporary 
excitement, but resulted in no serious commotion. On 
the 21st of December, Mr. Gott, a representative from 
New York, introduced a resolution, accompanied by a 
strong preamble, instructing the Committee on the District 
of Columbia to report a bill prohibiting the slave-trade 
in the District. The language used was as follows : 

Whereas, The traffic now prosecuted in this metropolis 
of the Republic in human beings, as chattels, is contrary 
to natural justice and the fundamental principles of our 
political system, and is notoriously a reproach to our 
country throughout Christendom, and a serious hindrance 
to the progress of republican liberty among the nations of 
the earth; therefore: 

Resolved, That the Committee for the District of Co- 
lumbia be instructed to report a bill, as soon as practicable, 
prohibiting the slave-trade in said District. 

Mr. Haralson, of Georgia, moved to lay the same on 
the table, and the yeas and nays were taken on his motion. 
Mr. Lincoln, Joseph R. Ingersoll, Richard W. Thompson, 
and George G. Dunn, were nearly or quite the only Northern 
Whigs who voted in the affirmative. The motion was lost, 
and the resolution, under pressure of the previous question, 
was adopted, ninety-eight to eighty-eight. Mr. Lincoln 
voting in the negative. A motion to re-consider this vote 
came up for action on the 27th of the same month. A 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 85 

motion to lay on the table the motion to re-consider having 
been lost, (yeas 58, nays 107, Mr. Lincoln voting in the 
negative) , the subject was postoned until the 10th of Jan- 
uary. At that date, Mr. Lincoln read a substitute which 
he proposed to offer for the resolution, in case of a re-con- 
sideration. This substitute contained the form of a bill 
enacting that no person not already in the District 
should be held in slavery therein, and providing for the 
gradual emancipation of the slaves already within the 
District, with compensation to the owners, if a majority 
of the legal voters of the District should assent to the act 
at an election to be holden for the purpose. It made an 
exception of the right of citizens of the slaveholding States, 
coming to the District on pubhc business, "be attended 
into and out of said District, and while there, by the neces- 
sary servants of themselves and their families." These 
were the chief provisions of the measure contemplated 
by Mr. Lincoln, which compared favorably with the act 
prohibiting the slave-trade in the District, included among 
the Compromise measures of 1850. 

With the termination of the Thirtieth Congress, by Con- 
stitutional limitation, on the 4th of March, 1849, Mr. 
Lincoln's career as a Congressman came to a close. He 
had refused to be a candidate for re-election in a district 
that had given liim over 1,500 majority in 1846, and nearly 
the same to General Taylor, as the Whig candidate for the 
Presidency in 1848. His name was prominently presented 
for the position of Commissioner of the General Land 
OfEce, under President Taylor, but, though he zealously 
labored to bring in the new Administration, he made no 
complaint, and certainly did not afterward seriously regret 
that liis valued services were not thus recognized. He 
retired once more to private life, renewing the professional 
practice, which had been temporarily interrupted by his 



86 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

public emplo5mient. The duties of his responsible position 
had been discharged with assiduity and with fearless ad- 
herence to his convictions of right under whatever circum- 
stances. Scarcely a list of yeas and nays can be found, 
for either session, which does not contain his name. He 
was never conveniently absent on any critical vote. He 
never shrank from any responsibility which his sense of 
justice impelled liim to take. His record, comparatively 
brief as it is, is no doubtful one, and will bear the closest 
scrutiny. And, though one of the youngest and most 
inexperienced members of an uncommonly able and bril- 
liant Congress, he might well have been ranked, without 
the more recent events wliich have naturally followed upon 
his previous career, among the distinguished statesmen 
of the Thirtieth Congress. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Professional Life — The Anti-Nebraskan Canvass — 
1845-1854. 

During the five years immediately following the close of 
his Congressional life, Mr. Lincoln attentively pursued his 
profession of the law. He took no active part in politics 
through the period of General Taylor's administration, or 
in any of the exciting scenes of 1850. His great political 
leader, Henry Clay, had resumed liis place in the Senate, 
and was earnestly striving— one of the last great labors of 
his life— to avert the dangers of the country, which he be- 
lieved to be threatened by the fierce contests over the ques- 
tions of salvery. It was, with the slave States, a desperate 
struggle to retain the balance of power in the Senate, by 
rejecting the application of another free State for admis- 
sion, the granting of which would destroy the exact equilib- 
rium then existing. The policy of admitting a slave 
State along with every free one, had substantially prevailed 
for years; but, at this time, despite the extensive additions 
of Mexican territory, there was no counterbalancing slave 
State ready for admission. The exclusion of slavery from 
California had, in fact, been rather a surprise, and this 
application was evidently still more an irritating circum- 
stance for that reason. And yet this movement was in 
strict accordance with the policy of a Southern President. 
As a final result, the admission of California was only car- 
ried by means of great counterbalancing concessions on the 

87 



88 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

part of the free States. For months after there was much 
discontent in both sections, in regard to the compromise 
measures of 1850, which were defeated in Congress, when 
first acted upon as a whole, but were ultimately carried in 
detail. It was not until 1852, when both the great parties 
of the country agreed to accept those measures as a "final 
settlement" of the slavery controversy, that public senti- 
ment. North and South, appeared to have become fully 
reconciled to this adjustment. The Administration, 
brought into power by the election of that year, was most 
thoroughly and sacredly committed to the maintenance of 
this settlement, and against the revival of a slavery agita- 
tion in any form. To introduce the subject under any pre- 
tence, into the halls of Congress, was an act of wanton in- 
cendiarism, in utter disregard of most solemn pledges, by 
the aid of which the Democratic party had secured whatever 
real hold it had upon popular confidence. Such was the 
state of affairs in 1852, and at the time of j\Ir. Pierce's in- 
auguration in 1853. 

Mr. Lincoln, as a private citizen, engrossed with his pro- 
fessional duties, had borne no part in the original contro- 
versy, and had taken no share in its settlement. Whether 
preferring the non-intervention policy of President Taylor, 
or the compromise course of Clay and Fillmore, he had un- 
doubtedly regarded the peace established, by means of the 
latter, as one that ought by all means to be preserved, and 
the pledges of both sections of the country, through 
the action of both the national parties, as religiously bind- 
ing upon every public man who had openly or tacitly 
assented thereto. That he approved all the details of tliis 
compromise is not probable. But that, if faithfully ad- 
hered to, the practical results would have been satisfactory, 
he was undoubtedly convinced. 

The introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, in 1854, 



Life op Abraham Lincoln. 



89 



in the midst of this profound peace on the slavery question, 
was "the alarm of the fire-bell at night" wliich startled 
Mr. Lincoln in the repose of his private life, and showed 
that the incendiary had but too successfully been at his 
work. The solemn pledge of peace had been violated by 
the very men who were most forward in making it, and 
most noisy in their professions of a desire that the slavery 
conflict should cease. 

These events called forth Mr'. Lincoln once more to do 
battle for the right. He entered into the canvass of 1854, 
as one of the most active leaders of the "Anti-Nebraska" 
movement. He addressed the people repeatedly from the 
stump, with all his characteristic earnestness and energy. 
He met and cowed the author of the " Nebraska iniquity, " 
in the presence of the masses, and powerfully aided in 
effecting the remarkable political changes of that year in 
Illinois. 

Mr. Douglas visited several parts of the State, vainly 
attempting, by ingenious but ophistical addresses to the 
people to avert the impending revolution. Mr. Lincoln 
met him in debate at Springfield, during the time of the 
State Fair, early in October, 1854, and the encounter was 
a memorable one in the great campaign then in progress. 
They met a few days later at Peoria, where Mr. Douglas 
had no better fortune. Subsequently to that encounter, 
he showed a decided preference for speaking at other times 
and places than Mr. Lincoln did. 

A United States Senator, to succeed General Shields on 
the 4th of March, 1855, was to be chosen by this Legisla- 
ture. For the first time in the history of Illinois, the elec- 
tion of an anti-Democratic Senator was within the reach 
of possibility. Mr. Lincoln was the first choice of the 
great mass of the Opposition for this position. From his 
prominence, for a long time, in the old Whig party, it was 



90 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

but natural that a portion of the members having Demo- 
cratic antecedents who had come into the new organization, 
should hesitate to give Mr. Lincoln their votes. This was 
especially true of the three Senators above named as hold- 
ing over, they having been elected as regular Democrats. 
LTnder this state of tilings, it was manifest, after a few 
ballots, that, with the close vote in joint convention the 
election of a Democrat, not to be certainly relied on as an 
opponent of the Douglas poUcy, and at best unconamitted 
in regard to the new party organization, might be the re- 
sult of adhering to Mr. Lincoln. He, accordingly, with 
the self-sacrificing disposition which had always charac- 
terized him, promptly appealed to his Whig friends to go 
over in a solid body to Mr. Trumbull, a man of Democratic 
antecedents, who could command the full vote of the Anti- 
Nebraska Democrats. By these earnest and disinterested 
efforts, the difficult task was accomplished, great as was the 
sacrifice of personal feeling wliich it cost the devoted friends 
of Mr. Lincoln. On the part of himself and them, it 
involved the exercise of a degree of self-denial and mag- 
nanimity, as rare as it was noble. It demonstrated their 
honest attaclmient to the great cause for which old party 
lines had been abandoned, and in their sincere purpose of 
thoroughly ignoring all differences founded on mere partisan 
prejudice. It cemented the union of these Anti-Nebraska 
elements, and consolidated the new organization into a 
permanent party. 

The joint convention for electing a United States Senator 
met on the 8th day of February, 1855. On the first ballot, 
James Shields, then Senator, who had been induced by 
Douglas, against his own better judgment, to vote for the 
Kansas-Nebraska bill, received 41 votes, and three other 
Democrats had one vote each. Abraham Lincoln had 45 
votes, Lyman Trumbull 5, Mr. Koerner 2, and there were 



Life or Abraham Lincoln. 91 

three other scattering votes. On the seventh ballot, the 
Democratic vote was concentrated upon Governor Matteson 
with two exceptions, and he received also the votes of two 
Anti-Nebraska Democrats, making 44 in all. On the tenth 
ballot, Mr. Trumbull was elected, in the way just explained, 
receiving 51 votes, and Mr. Matteson 47. Every Whig 
vote but one was given to Mr. Trumbull. 

Mr. Lincoln took an active part in the formation of the 
Republican party as such. The State Convention of that 
organization, which met at Bloomington, on the 29th of 
May, 1S56, sent delegates to the Philadelphia Convention 
of that year, held for the nomination of Presidential can- 
didates. 

Mr. Lincoln labored earnestly during the campaign, 
sustaining the nomination of Fremont and Dayton. In 
the State canvass, Colonel WiUiam H. Bissell received the 
united support of the Opposition for Governor, and was 
elected by a decisive majority. On the Presidential candi- 
dates, there being, unfortunately, two tickets in the field, 
the divided Opposition were unsuccessful, although Fre- 
mont, in spite of the heavy Fillmore vote, ran so closely 
upon Buchanan that the result was for a time in doubt, 
and only the nearly solid vote of "Egypt" decided the 
result in favor of the latter. The untiring exertions of 
Mr. Lincoln on the stump, in enlightening the people as to 
the real issues involved, did much toward securing tliis re- 
markable vote. 



92 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Speech of Mr. Lincoln, in reply to Mr. Douglas, on 

IViVNSAS, THE DrED ScOTT DECISION, AND THE 

Utah Question. 
{Delivered at Springfield, Illinois, June 26, 1857.) 

Fellow-Citizens: I am here to-night, partly by in- 
vitation of some of you, and partly by my own inclination. 
Two weeks ago Judge Douglas spoke here on the several 
subjects of Kansas, the Dred Scott decision, and Utah. I 
listened to the speech at the time, and have read the report 
of it since. It was intended to controvert opinions which 
I think just, and to assail (politically, not personally) those 
men who, in common with me, entertain those opinions. 
For this reason, I wished then, and still wish to make some 
answer to it, which I now take the opportunity of doing. 

I begin with Utah. If it prove to be true, as is probable, 
that the people of Utah are in open rebellion against the 
United States, then Judge Douglas is in favor of repealing 
their territorial organization, and attaching them to the 
adjoining States for judicial purposes. I say, too, if they 
are in rebellion, they ought to be somehow coerced to obedi- 
ence; and I am not now prepared to admit or deny, that 
the Judge's mode of coercing them is not as good as any. 
The Republicans can fall in with it, without taking back 
anything they have ever said. To be sure, it would be a 
considerable backing down by Judge Douglas, from his 
much vaunted doctrine of self-government for the terri- 
tories; but this is only additional proof of what was very 
plain from the beginning, that the doctrine was a mere 
deceitful pretence for the benefit of slavery. Those who 
could not see that much in the Nebraska act itself, which 
forced Governors, and Secretaries, and Judges on the people 
of the Territories, without their choice or consent, could 
not be made to see, though one should rise from the dead. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 93 

But in all this, it is very plain the Judge evades the only- 
question the Republicans have ever pressed upon the 
Democracy in regard to Utah. The question the Judge well 
knew to be tliis: "If the people of Utah shall peacefully 
form a State Constitution tolerating poligamy, will the 
Democracy admit them into the Union? " There is nothing 
in the United States Constitution or law against poligamy; 
and why is it not a part of the Judge's "sacred right of self- 
government" for the people to have it, or rather to keep it, 
if they choose? These questions, so far as I know, the 
Judge never answers. It might involve the Democracy 
to answer them either way, and they go unanswered. 

As to Kansas. The substance of the Judge's speech on 
Kansas is an effort to put the Free State men in the wrong 
for not voting at the election of delegates to the Constitu- 
tional Convention. He says; "There is every reason to 
hope and beUeve that the law will be fairly interpreted and 
impartially executed, so as to insure to every bona fide inhab- 
itant the free and quiet exercise of the elective franchise. " 

It appears extraordinary that Judge Douglas should 
make such a statement. He knows that, by the law, no 
one can vote who has not been registered; and he knows 
that the Free State men place their refusal to vote on the 
ground that but few of them have been registered. It is 
possible this is not true, but Judge Douglas knows it is 
asserted to be true in letters, newspapers and public 
speeches, and borne by every mail, and blown by every 
breeze, to the eyes and ears of the world. He knows it is 
boldly declared, that the people of many whole counties, 
and many whole neighborhoods in others, are left un- 
registered; yet, he does not venture to contradict the de- 
claration, or to point out how they can vote without being 
registered; but he just slips along, not seeming to know 
there is any such question of fact, and complacently de- 



94 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

dares, "There is every reason to hope and believe that the 
law will be fairly and impartially executed, so as to insure 
to every bona fide inhabitant the free and quiet exercise of 
the elective francliise. " 

I readily agree that if all had a chance to vote, they 
ought to have voted. If, on the contrary, as they allege, 
and Judge Douglas ventures not particularly to contradict, 
few only of the Free State men had a chance to vote, they 
were perfectly right in staying from the polls in a body. 

By the way, since the Judge spoke, the Kansas election 
has come off. The Judge expressed his confidence that all 
the Democrats in Kansas would do their duty— including 
"Free State Democrats" of course. The returns received 
here, as yet, are very incomplete; but, so far as they go, 
they indicate that only about one-sixth of the registered 
voters have really voted; and this, too, when not more, 
perhaps, than one-half of the rightful voters have been 
registered, thus showing the thing to have been altogether 
the most exquisite farce ever enacted. I am watching with 
considerable interest, to ascertain what figm-e the "Free 
State Democrats" cut in the concern. Of course they 
voted— all Democrats do their duty— and of course they 
did not vote for slave State candidates. We soon shall 
know how many delegates they elected, how many candi- 
dates they had pledged to a free state, and how many votes 
were cast for them. 

Allow me to barely whisper my suspicion, that there were 
no such tilings in Kansas as " Free State Democrats "—that 
they were altogether mythical, good only to figure in news- 
papers and speeches in the Free States. If there should 
prove to be one real, living Free State Democrat in Kansas, 
I suggest that it might be well to catch liim, and stuff and 
preserve his skin, as an interesting specimen of that soon 
to be extinct variety of the Democrat. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 95 

And now, as to the Dred Scott decision. That decision 
declares two propositions — first, that a negro cannot sue in 
the United States courts; and secondly, that Congress can- 
not prohibit slavery in the Territories. It was made by 
a divided court — dividing differently on the cUfferent 
points. Judge Douglas does not discuss the merits of the 
decision, and in that respect, I shall follow his example, 
believing I could no more improve upon McLean and Curtis 
than he could on Taney. 

He denounces all who question the correctness of that 
decision, as offering violent resistance to it. But who resists 
it? Who has, in spite of the decision, declared Dred Scott 
free, and resisted the authority of his master over him? 

Judicial decisions have two uses — first, to absolutely 
determine the case decided; and secondly, to indicate to 
the public how other similar cases will be decided when 
they arise. For the latter use they are called " precedents " 
and "authorities." 

We believe as much as Judge Douglas (perhaps more) 
in obedience to and respect for the judicial department of 
Government. We think its decisions on Constitutional 
questions, when fully settled, should control, not only the 
particular cases decided, but the general policy of the 
country, subject to be disturbed only by amendments of 
the Constitution, as provided in that instrument itself. 
More than tins would be revolution. But we think the 
Dred Scott decision is erroneous. We know the court that 
made it has often overruled its own decisions, and we shall 
do what we can to make it overrule this. We offer no 
resistance to it. 

Judicial decisions are of greater or less authority as 
precedents, according to circumstances. That tliis should 
be so, accords both with common sense, and the customary 
understanding of the legal profession. 



96 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

If this important decision had been made by the unani- 
mous concurrence of the judges, and without any apparent 
partisan bias, and in accordance with legal public expecta- 
tion, and with the steady practice of the departments, 
throughout our liistory, and had been in no part based on 
assumed historical facts which are not really true; or, if 
wanting in some of these, it had been before the court more 
than once, and had there been affirmed and re-afiirmed 
through a course of years, it then might be, perhaps would 
be, factious, nay, even revolutionary, not to acquiesce in 
it as a precedent. 

But when, as is true, we find it wanting in all these 
claims to the public confidence, it is not resistance, it is 
not factious, it is not even disrespectful, to treat it as not 
having yet quite established a settled doctrine for the 
country. But Judge Douglas considers this view awful. 
Hear him. 

"The Courts are the tribunals prescribed by the Con- 
stitution and created by the authority of the people to 
determine, expound and enforce the law. Hence, whoever 
resists the final decision of the highest tribunal, aims a 
deadly blow to our whole Republican system of govern- 
ment — a blow' wliich, if successful, would place all our 
rights and Uberties at the mercy of passion, anarchy and 
violence. I repeat, therefore, that if resistance to the 
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, in 
a matter like the points decided in the Dred Scott case, 
clearly within their jurisdiction as defined by the Constitu- 
tion, shall be forced upon the country as a political issue, 
it will become a distinct and naked issue between the friends 
and enemies of the Constitution — the friends and the 
enemies of the supremacy of the laws. " 

Why, this same Supreme Court once decided a national 
bank to be constitutional, but General Jackson, as Presi- 




GaAVE OF JIB. LINCOLN'S MOTHF.B- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 97 

dent of the United States, disregarded this decision, and 
vetoed a bill for a re-charter, partly on Constitutional 
ground, declaring that each public functionary must sup- 
port the Constitution as "he understands it." But hear 
the General's own words. Here they are, taken from his 
veto message: 

" It is maintained by the advocates of the bank, that its 
constitutionality, in all its features, ought to be considered 
as settled by precedent, and by the decision of the Supreme 
Court. To this conclusion I cannot assent. Mere prece- 
dent is a dangerous source of authority, and should not be 
regarded as deciding questions of Constitutional power, 
except where the acquiescence of the people and the States 
can be considered as well settled. So far from this being 
the case on this subject, an argument against the bank 
might be based on the precedent. One Congress, in 1791, 
decided in favor of a bank; another in 1811, decided 
against it. One Congress, in 1815, decided against a bank ; 
another in 1816, decided in its favor. Prior to the present 
Congress, therefore, the precedents drawn from that source 
were equal. If we resort to the States the expressions of 
legislative, judicial and. executive opinions against the 
bank have been probably to those in its favor as four to 
one. There is notliing in precedent, therefore, which, if its 
authority were admitted, ought to weigh in favor of the 
act before me.' 

I drop the quotations merely to remark, that all there 
ever was, in the way of precedent, up to the Dred Scott de- 
cision, on the points therein decided, had been against 
that decision. But hear General Jackson further : 

" If the opinion of the Supreme Court covered the whole 
ground of this act, it ought not to control the co-ordinate 
authorities of this. Government. The Congress, the ex- 
ecutive and the Court, must each for itself be guided by its 



98 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

own opinion of the Constitution. Each pubhc officer, 
who takes an oath to support the Constitution, swears that 
he will support it as he understands it, and not as it is 
understood by others." 

Again and again have I heard Judge Douglas denounce 
that bank decision, and applaud General Jackson for disre- 
garding it. It would be interestmg for liim to look over 
his recent speech, and see how exactly liis fierce pliihppics 
against us for resisting Supreme Court decisions, fall upon 
his own head. It will call to mind a long and fierce political 
war in this country, upon an issue, wliich in his otsti lan- 
guage, and, of course, in his own changeless estimation, 
was "a distinct issue between the friends and the enemies 
of the Constitution," and in which war he fought in the 
ranks of the enemies of the Constitution. 

I have said, in substance, that the Dred Scott decision 
was, in part, based on assumed liistorical facts which were 
not really true, and I ought not to leave the subject -nith- 
out gi'V'ing some reasons for saying this : I, therefore, give 
an instance or two, which I tliink fully sustains me. Chief 
Justice Taney, in delivering the opinion of the majority 
of the Court, insists at great length, that negroes were no 
part of the people who made, or for whom was made, the 
Declaration of Independence, or the Constitution of the 
United States. 

On the contrary. Judge Curtis, in his dissenting opinion, 
shows that in five of the then thirteen States, to wit: New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and 
North Carolina, free negroes were voters, and, in proportion 
to their numbers, had the same part in making the Con- 
stitution that the white people had. He shows this with 
so much particularity as to leave no doubt of its truth, and 
as a sort of conclusion on that point, holds the following 
language. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 99 

" The Constitution was ordained and established by the 
people of the LTnited States, through the action, in each 
State, of those persons who were qualified by its laws to 
act thereon in behalf of themselves and all other citizens 
of the State. In some of the States, as we have seen, 
colored persons were among those qualified by law to act on 
the subject. These colored persons were not only included 
in the ' body of the people of the United States, ' by whom 
the Constitution was ordained and established; but in 
at least five of the States they had the power to act, and, 
doubtless, did act, by their suffrages, upon the question 
of its adoption." 

Again, Cliief Justice Taney says: " It is difficult, at this 
day, to realize the state of public opinion in relation to that 
unfortunate race, wliich prevailed in the civilized and 
enlightened portions of the world at the time of the Decla- 
ration of Independence, and when the Constitution of the 
United States was framed and adopted." And again, 
after quoting from the Declaration, he says: " The general 
words above quoted would seem to include the whole 
human family, and if they were used in a similar instru- 
ment at this da)', would be so understood. " 

In these the Chief Justice does not directly assert, but 
plainly assumes, as a fact, that the public estimate of the 
black man is more favorable now than it was in the days 
of the Ptevolution. This assumption is a mistake. In 
some trifling particulars, the condition of that race has been 
ameliorated; but, as a whole, in tins country, the change 
between then and now is decidedly the other way; and 
their ultimate destiny has never appeared so hopeless as 
in the last three or four years. In two of the five States — 
New Jersey and North Carolina — that then 'gave the free 
negro the right of voting, the right has since been taken 
away, and in the third — New York — it has been greatly 



100 Life op Abraham Lincoln, 

abridged ; while it has not been extended, so far as I know, 
to a single additional State, though the number of the 
States has more than doubled. In those days, as I under- 
stand, masters could, at their own pleasure, emancipate their 
slaves; but since then such legal restraints have been put 
upon emancipation as to amount almost to prohibition. 
In those days Legislatures held the unquestioned power 
to abolish slaverj- in their respective States ; but now it is 
becoming quite fashionable for State Constitutions to with- 
hold that power from the Legislatures. In those days, by 
common consent, the spread of the black man's bondage 
to the new countries was prohibited; but now. Congress 
decides that it will not continue the prohibition — and the 
Supreme Court decides that it could not if it would. In 
those days our Declaration of Independence was held sacred 
by all, and thought to include all; but now, to aid in 
making the bondage of the negro universal and eternal, 
it is assailed, sneered at, construed, hawked at, and torn, 
till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could 
not at all recognize it. All the powers of earth seem rap- 
idly combining against him. Mammon is after him; am- 
bition follows, philosophy follows, and the theology of the 
day is fast joining the cry. They have Mm in his prison- 
house; they have searched his person, and left no prying- 
instrument with him. One after another they have closed 
the heavy, iron doors upon him, and now they have Mm, 
as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred keys, which 
can never be unlocked ^-ithout the concurrence of every 
key; the keys in the hands of a hundred different men, 
and they scattered to a hundred different and distant 
places; and they stand musing as to what invention, in 
all the dominions of mind and matter, can be produced 
to make the impossibihty of his escape more complete 
than it is. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 101 

It is grossly incorrect to say or assume, that the pubUc 
estimate of the negro is more favorable now than it was 
at the origin of the government. 

Three years and a half ago, Judge Douglas brought for- 
ward his famous Nebraska bill. The country was at once 
in a blaze. He scorned all opposition, and carried it 
through Congress. Since then he has seen himself super- 
seded in a Presidential nomination, by one indorsing the 
general doctrine of his measure, but at the same time 
standing clear of the odium of its untimely agitation, and 
its gross breach of national faith; and he has seen that 
successful rival constitutionally elected, not by the strength 
of friends, but by the division of his adversaries, being 
in a popular minority of nearly four hundred thousand 
votes. He has seen his chief aids in his own State, Shields 
and Richardson, politically speaking, successively tried, 
convicted, and executed, for an offense not their own, but 
Ms. And now he sees Ms own case, standing next on the 
docket for trial. 

There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all 
white people, to the idea of an indiscriminate amalgama- 
tion of the white and black races; and Judge Douglas 
evidently is basing Ms hope on the chances of his being 
able to appropriate the benefit of this disgust to himself. 
If he can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten the 
odium of that idea upon his adversaries, he thinks he can 
struggle through the storm. He, therefore, clings to this 
hope as a drowmng man to the last plank. He makes an 
occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the Dred 
Scott decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that 
the Declaration of Independence includes all men, black 
as well as white, and forthwith he boldly denies that it 
includes negroes at all, and proceeds to argue gravely that 
all who contend it does, do so only because they want to 



102 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

vote, sleep and eat, and marry with negroes! He will have 
it that they cannot be consistent else. Now, I protest 
against the counterfeit logic which concludes that, because 
I do not want a black woman for a slave, I must necessarily 
want her for a wife. I need not have her for either. I 
can just leave her alone. In some respects she certainly 
is not my equal; but in her natural right to eat the bread 
she earns with her own hands, without asking leave of any 
one else, she is my equal, and the equal of all others. 

Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, 
admits that the language of the Declaration is broad enough 
to include the whole human family; but he and Judge 
Douglas argue that the authors of that instrument did not 
intend to include negroes, by the fact that they did not at 
once actually place them on an equality with the whites. 
Now, this grave argument comes to just notliing at all, by 
the other fact that, they did not at once, or ever afterward, 
actually place all wliite people on an equality wath one an- 
other. And tliis is the staple argument of both the Chief 
Justice and the Senator for doing this obvious violence to 
the plain, unmistakable language of the Declaration. 

I think the authors of that notable instrument intended 
to include all men, but they did not intend to declare all 
men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all 
were equal in color, size, intellect, moral developments, or 
social capacity. They defined uith tolerable distinctness 
in what respects they did consider all men created equal- 
equal with "certain inalienable rights, among which are 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. " Tliis they said, 
and this meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious 
untruth, that all were then actually enjoying that equality, 
nor yet, that they were about to confer it immediately upon 
them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. 
They meant simply to declare the right, so that the en- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln, 103 

forccment of it might follow as fast as circumstances should 
permit. 

Mr. Lincoln, in conclusion, pointed out in a clear and 
forcible mamier the real distinction between his own views 
and those of Mr. Douglas on this question, as he has done 
in other speeches. 



CHAPTER VII. 
The Lincoln-Douglas Campaign of 1858. 

On the 16th of June— the day on which the session of 
Congress closed— the Republicans held their State Conven- 
tion at Springfield. Richard Yates was the temporary, 
and Gustavus Koerner the permanent chairman. Nearly 
every one of the hundred and two counties of Illinois was 
duly represented, the delegates numbering over five hun- 
dred. Candidates were nominated for State Treasurer 
and for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and a plat- 
form was adopted essentially the same as that put forth 
two years previously at Bloomington, as already quoted. 
A resolution approving the course of Lyman Trumbull as 
Senator was carried without opposition. The following 
resolution was then introduced, which, according to the 
official report, "was greeted with shouts of applause, and 
unanimously adopted:" 

Resolved, That Abraham Lincoln is the first and only 
choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United States 
Senate, as the successor of Stephen A. Douglas. 

Mr. Lincoln had not been present during the Conven- 
tion, and when called on to speak, at the adjourned even- 
ing session, he had no knowledge that such a resolution 
had been offered. So far was it from being true that his 
speech on that occasion, as subsequently stated by Douglas, 
was made on accepting a nomination for the Senatorslup, 
that, of course, he did not allude to that subject. The 

105 



106 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

speech, too, though carefully prepared, as Mr. Lincoln 
afterward admitted, was never known to any one else than 
himself until its delivery, notwithstanding the insinuation 
of Douglas that it was a subject of special consultation 
among the Republican leaders. It was the result of a 
broad and profound survey of the slavery question, from 
the point of view then reached in the progress of parties. 
"The hall, and lobbies, and galleries were even more 
densely crowded and packed than at any time during 
the day, " says the official report, as the Convention re- 
assembled in the evening to hear Mr. Lincoln. As he 
approached the speaker's stand, he was greeted with 
shouts, and hurrahs, and prolonged cheering. 

Mr. Lincoln's First Speech in the Senatorial 
Canvass. 

{At the Republican State Convention, Jurie 16, 1858.) 

Mr. Lincoln said — 

Gentlemen of the Convention: — If we could first 
know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could 
then better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are 
now far on into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated, 
with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting 
an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that 
poUcy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has con- 
stantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until 
a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. "A house 
divided against itself cannot stand. " I believe this govern- 
ment cannot endure, permanently, half slave and half free. 
I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect 
the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be di- 
vided. It will become all one tiling, or all the other. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 107 

Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further 
spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest 
in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction, or 
its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become 
alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new — North as 
well as South. 

Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any 
one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost 
complete legal combination — piece of machinery, so to 
speak — compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the 
Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what 
work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted, 
but also let him study the history of its construction, and 
trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evi- 
dences of design, and concert of action, among its chief 
master-workers from the beginning. 

But, so far, Congress only had acted, and an indorsement 
by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save 
the point already gained, and give chance for more. The 
new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than 
half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of 
the national territory by Congressional proliibition. Four 
days later commenced the struggle, which ended in repeal- 
ing that Congressional prohibition. This opened all the 
national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained. 

This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been 
provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument 
of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of 
self-government, " which latter phrase, though expressive of 
the only rightful basis of any government, was so perver- 
ted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: 
that if any one man choose to enslave another, no tliird 
man shall be allowed to object. That argument was in- 
corporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language 



>■ 



108 Life of Abraham Lixcolx. 

which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of 
this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, 
nor exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof 
perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institu- 
tions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution 
of the United States." 

Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of 
"squatter sovereignty," and "sacred right of self-govern- 
ment. " 

" But, " said opposition members, " let us be more specific 
— let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the 
people of the territory may exclude slavery. " " Not we, " 
said the friends of the measure ; and down they voted the 
amendment. 

While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress, 
a law case, involving the question of a negro's freedom, by 
reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into 
a free State and then a territory covered by the Congres- 
sional proliibition, and held liim as a slave — for a long time 
in each — was passing through the V. S. Circuit Court for 
the District of Missouri, and both the Nebraska Bill and 
law suit were brought to a decision in the same month of 
May, 1854. The negro's name was "Dred Scott," which 
name now designates the decision finally made in the case. 

Before the then next Presidential election case, the law 
came to, and was argued in the Supreme court of the 
United States; but the decision of it was deferred imtil 
after the election. Still, before the election, Senator 
Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requests the leading 
advocate of the Nebraska Bill to state his opinion whether 
a people of a Territory can constitutionally exclude slavery 
from their limits, and the latter answers, " That is a ques- 
tion for the Supreme Court." 

The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 109 

indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second 
point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of 
a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand 
votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable 
and satisfactory. The outgoing President in his last 
annual message, as impressively as possible echoed back 
upon the people the weight and authority of the indorse- 
ment. 

The Supreme Court met again; cUd not announce their 
decision, but ordered a re-argument. The Presidential 
inauguration came, and still no decision of the court ; but 
the incoming President, in his Inaugural address, fervently 
exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, 
whatever it might he. Then, in a few clays, came the decision. 
This was the third point gained. 

The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early 
occasion to make a speech at this capitol indorsing the 
Dred Scott decision and vehemently denouncing all opposi- 
tion to it. The new President, too, seizes the early occasion 
of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly construe that 
decision, and to express Ms astonishment that any different 
view had ever been entertained. At length a squabble 
springs up between the President and the author of the 
Nebraska Bill on the mere question of fact, whether the 
Lecompton Constitution was or was not, in any sense just 
made by the people of Kansas, and, in that squabble, the 
latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people 
and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or 
voted up. I do not understand his declaration that he 
cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to 
be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the 
policy he would impress upon the public mind — the prin- 
ciple for which he declares he has suffered much, and is 
ready to suffer to the end. 



1 10 Life op Abraham Lincoln. 

And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any 
parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle 
is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. 
Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" 
squatted out of existence, tumbled down Hke temporary 
scaffolding— like the mold at the foundry, served through 
one blast, and fell back into loose sand— helped to carry 
an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late 
joint struggle with the Repubhcans, against the Lecompton 
Constitution involves nothing of the original Nebraska 
doctrine. That struggle was made on a point— the right 
of a people to make their own constitution — upon wliich he 
and the Republicans have never differed. 

The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in con- 
nection with Senator Douglas's "care not" policy, consti- 
tute the piece of machinery in its present state of advance- 
ment. The working points of that machinery are: 

First, That no negro slave, imported as such from 
Africa, and no descendant of such, can ever be a citizen 
of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the Con- 
stitution of the United States. 

This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in 
every possible event, of the benefit of this provision of the 
United States Constitution wliich declares that— "The 
citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges 
and immunities of citizens in the several States. " 

Secondly, that "subject to the Constitution of the 
United States," neither Congress nor a Territorial Legis- 
lature can exclude slavery from any United States Terri- 
tory. 

This point is made in order that individual men may fill 
up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing 
them as property, and thus to enhance the chances of 
permanency to the institution through all the future. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. Ill 

Thiidly, That whether the holding a negro in actual 
slavery in a free State makes him free, as against the holder, 
the United States Courts will not decide, but will leave to 
be decided by the courts of any slave State the negro may 
be forced into by the master. 

This point is made, not to be pressed immediately; but 
if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by 
the people at an election, then, to sustain the logical con- 
clusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do 
with Dred Scott, in the free State of Illinois, every other 
master may lawfully do with any other one, or one thou- 
sand slaves, in Illinois, or in any other free State. 

Auxiliary to all tliis and working hand in hand with it, 
the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate 
and mould public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, 
not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up. 

TMs shows exactly where we now are, and partially also, 
wliither we are tending. 

It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, 
and run the mind over the string of liistorical facts already 
stated. Several tilings will appear now less dark and 
mysterious than they did when they were transpiring. The 
people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only to 
the Constitution. " What the Constitution had to do with 
it, outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough now, it 
was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott decision to 
come in and declare that perfect freedom of the people, to 
be just no freedom at all. 

Why was the amendment, expressly declaring the right 
of the people to exclude slavery voted down? Plainly 
enough now, the adoption for it would have spoiled the 
niche for the Dred Scott decision. 

Why was the court decision held up? Why even a 
Senator's individual opinion witliheld till after the Presi- 



112 Life OF Abr.\ham Lincoln. 

dential election? Plainly enough now, the speaking out 
then would have damaged the "-perfectly free" argument 
upon which the election was to be carried. 

Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the endorse- 
ment? Why the delay of a re-argument? Why the incom- 
ing President's advance exhortation in favor of the de- 
cision? These things look like the cautious patting and pet- 
ting of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when 
it is dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the 
hasty after-mdorsements of the decision, by the President 
and others? 

We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adapta- 
tions are the result of pre-concert. But when we see a lot of 
framed timbers, different portions of wliich we know have 
been gotten out, at different times and places, and by 
different workmen — Stephen, Franklin, Roger and James, 
for instance — and when we see these timbers joined together 
and see they exactly make the frame of a house or mill, 
all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the 
lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly 
adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too 
many or too few — not omitting even scaffolding — or, if a 
single piece be lacking, we can see the place in the frame 
exactly fitted and prepared to yet bring such piece in — in 
such a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen 
and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one 
another from the beginning, and all worked upon a com- 
mon plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was 
struck. 

It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill, 
the people of a State as well as Territory, were to be left 
"perfectly free," "subject only to the Constitution." Why 
mention a State? They were legislating for Territories, 
and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 113 

State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of 
the United States ; but why is mention of this lugged into 
this merely territorial law? Why are the people of a Terri- 
tory and the people of a State therein lumped together, and 
their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being 
precisely the same? 

While the opinion of tne court, by Chief Justice Taney, in 
the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the 
concurring judges, expressly declare that the Constitution 
of the United States neither permits Congress nor a Ter- 
ritorial Legislature to exclude slavery from any United 
States Territory, they all omit to declare whether or not 
the same Constitution permits a State, or the people of a 
State to exclude it. Possibly, this was a mere omission; 
but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought 
to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power 
in the people of a State to exclude slavery from their limits, 
just as Chase and Mace sought to get such declaration, in 
behalf of the people of a Territory, into the Nebraska Bill — 
I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been 
voted down, in the one case, as it had been in the other. 

The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power 
of a State over slavery, is made by Judge Nelson. He 
approaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and 
almost the language, too, of the Nebraska Act. On one 
occasion his exact language is, "except in cases where the 
power is restrained by the Constitution of the United 
States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of 
slavery within its jurisdiction. " 

In what cases the power of the State is so restrained by 
the United States Constitution, is left an open question, 
precisely as the same question, as to the restraint on the 
power of the Territories was left open in the Nebraska Act. 
Put that and that together, and we have another nice little 



114 Life OF Abraham Lincoln. 

niche, which we, may ere long, see filled with another Su- 
preme Court decision, declaring that the Constitution of 
the United States does not permit a state to exclude slavery' 
from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the 
doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or 
voted up, " shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to 
give promise that such a decision can be maintained when 
made. 

Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike 
lawful in all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such de- 
cision is probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless 
the power of the present political dynasty shall be met and 
overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that 
the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their 
State free ; and we shall awake to the reality, instead, that 
the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State. 

To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty, is the 
work now before all those who would prevent that consum- 
mation. That is what we have to do. But how can we 
best do it? 

There are those who denounce us openly to their own 
friends, and yet wliisper softly, that Senator Douglas is the 
aptest instrument there is, with which to effect that object. 
They do not tell us, nor has he told us, that he wishes any 
such object to be effected. They wdsh us to infer all, from 
the facts that he now has a little quarrel with the present 
head of the dynasty; and that he has regularly voted with 
us, on a single point, upon which he and we have never 
differed. 

They remind us that he is a very ffreat man, and that the 
largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. 
But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge 
Douglas, if not a dead lion for tliis work, is at least a caged 
and toothless one. How can he oppose the advances of 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 115 

slavery? He don't care an3rtl-Ling about it. His avowed 
mission is impressing the "public heart" to care nothing 
about it. 

A leading Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Doug- 
las's superior talent will be needed to resist the revival of 
the African slave-trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to 
revive that trade is approaching? He has not said so. 
Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he resist it? 
For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right of white 
men to take negro slaves into the new Territories. Can 
he possibly show that it is less a sacred right to buy them 
where they can be bought cheapest? And, unquestionab ly 
they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia. 

He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question 
of slavery to one of a mere right of property; and as such, 
how can he oppose the foreign slave-trade — how can he re- 
fuse that trade in that "property" shall be "perfectly 
free" — unless he does it as a protection to the home pro- 
duction? And as the home producers will probably 
not ask the protection, he will be wholly without a ground 
of opposition. 

Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may right- 
fully be wiser to-day, than he was yesterday — that he may 
rightfully change when he finds himself wrong. But, can 
we for that reason run ahead and infer that he will make 
any particular change, of which he himself has gi\'en no 
intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such 
vague inferences? 

Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's 
position, question his motives, or do aught that can be per- 
sonally offensive to him. Whenever, if ever, he and we 
can come together on principle, so that our great cause 
may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to have 
interposed no adventitious obstacle. 



116 Life of Abraham Lincoln, 

But clearly , he is not now with us — he does not pretend 
to be — he does not promise ever to be. Our cause, then, 
must be intrusted to, ancf conducted by, its own undoubted 
friends — those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the 
work — who do care for the result. 

Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered 
over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under 
the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, 
with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, 
discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from 
the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, 
under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud and 
pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now? 
— now — when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered and 
belligerent? 

The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail — if we 
stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate 
or mistakes delay it, but, sooner or later, the victory is sure 
to come. 

Mr. Douglas, having lingered for more than three weeks 
on his way homeward, preparing for the struggle before 
him, arrived in Chicago on the 9th of July amid the 
most showy demonstrations of his friends. He made a 
long speech on the occasion, which Mr. Lincoln was present 
to hear. Douglas claimed great credit as having defeated 
the President's Lecompton policy, and imperiously re- 
turned thanks to the Republicans for " coming up manfully 
and sustaining" liim and his little band in opposition to 
the Administration — a course, certainly, for wliich the 
Republican party deserved no special thanks, as it required 
of them no sacrifice of either consistency or partisan fellow- 
ship. Subsequently he charged an alliance between the 
Republicans and the Administration oartv for liis defeat. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 117 

He took care again to avow an utter indifference as to 
whether Kansas should be free soil or slave soil, only 
asking that the popular majority should prevail. At length 
he came to the great opening speech of Mr. Lincoln, which 
had been carefully pondered during the last three weeks. 

"I have observed," he said, with condescending assur- 
ance, "I have observed from the public prints, that but a 
few days ago the Republican party of the State of Illinois 
assembled in convention at Springfield, and not only laid 
down their platform, but nominated a candidate for 
the United States Senate as my successor. 

I take great pleasure in saying that I have known, per- 
sonally and intimately, for about a quarter of a century, 
the worthy gentleman who has been nominated for my 
place; and I will say that I regard him as a kind, amiable 
and intelligent gentleman, a good citizen, and an honorable 
opponent; and whatever issue I may have with liim will 
be of principle, and not involving personalities. " He then 
proceeded to specify his two cliief points of attack on Mr. 
Lincoln, after citing a portion of the first paragraph of 
his Springfield speech. Mr. Douglas endeavored thus to 
put his opponent in a false position, by selecting sentences 
out of their connection and imputing to them a perverted 
meaning. 

A week later than his Cliicago speech, Mr. Douglas 
spoke at Bloomington, in continuation of his canvass. 
Here again, he laid great stress upon his " popular sover- 
eignty" device, and upon his anti-Lecompton rebellion. 
He also repeated substantially his two issues against Mr. 
Lincoln, based upon the Springfield .speech of June 16th. 
Mr. Lincoln was present and heard him. The next day, 
Douglas made a speech of similar character at Springfield, 
at which Mr. Lincoln was not present. The latter, how- 
ever, spoke on the same evening at that place. The fol- 



118 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

lowing are some of the chief points of Mr. Lincoln's 
speech on this occasion. (July 17, 1858) : 

INEQUALITIES OF THE CONTEST — THE APPORTIONMENT, 

ETC. 

Fellow Citizens: Another election, which is deemed 
an important one is approaching, and, as I suppose, the 
Republican party will, without much difficulty, elect their 
State ticket. But in regard to the Legislature, we, the 
Republicans, labor under some disadvantages. In the 
first place, we have a Legislature to elect upon an appor- 
tionment of the representation made several years ago, 
when the proportion of the population was far greater in 
the South (as compared with the North) than it now is, 
and inasmuch as our opponents hold almost entire sway 
in the South, and we a correspondingly large majority in 
the North, the fact that we are now to be represented as 
we were years ago, when the population was different, is, 
to us, a very great disadvantage. "We had in the year 1855, 
according to law, a census, or enumeration of the inhab- 
itants, taken for the purpose of a new apportionment of 
representation. We know what a fair apportionment of 
representation upon that census would give us. We know 
that it could not, if fairly made, fail to give the Republican 
party from six to ten more members of the Legislature than 
they can probably get as the law now stands. It so hap- 
pened at the last session of the Legislature, that our oppo- 
nents, holding the control of both branches of the Legislature, 
steadily refused to give us such an apportionment as we were 
rightly entitled to have upon the census already taken. 
The Legislatiu-e would pass no bill upon that subject, 
except such as was at least as unfair to us as the old one, 
and in which, in some instances, two men from the Demo- 
cratic regions were allowed to go as far toward sending a 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 119 

member to the Legislature as three were in the Repubhcan 
regions. Comparison was made at the time as to repre- 
sentative and senatorial districts, which completely demon- 
strated that such was the fact. Such a bill was passed, 
and tendered to the Republican Governor for his signature , 
but, principally for the reasons I have stated, he withheld 
his approval, and the bill fell without becoming a law. 

Another disadvantage under which we labor is, that 
there are one or two Democratic Senators who will be 
members of the next Legislature, and will vote for the 
election of Senator, who are holding over in districts in 
which we could on all reasonable calculation, elect men of 
our own, if we only had the chance of an election. When 
we consider that there are but twenty-five Senators in the 
Senate, taking two from the side where they rightfully 
belong, and adding them to the other, is to us a disadvan- 
tage not to be lightly regarded. Still, so it is; we have 
this to contend with. Perhaps there is no ground of com- 
plaint on our part. In attending to the many tilings in- 
volved in the last general election for President, Governor, 
Auditor, Treasurer, Superintendent of Public Instruction, 
Members of Congress and of the Legislature, County 
Officers, and so on, we allowed these things to happen for 
want of sufficient attention, and we have no cause to com- 
plain of our adversaries, so far as this matter is concerned. 
But we have some cause to complain of the refusal to 
give us a fair apportionment. 

There is still another disadvantage under which we 
labor, and to winch I will ask your attention. It arises out 
of the relative position of the two persons who stand before 
the State as candidates for the Senate. Senator Douglas is 
of world-wide renown. All the anxious politicians of his 
party, or who have been of Ms party for years past, have 
been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to 



120 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

be the President of the United States. They have seen in 
his round, jolly, fruitful face, post offices, land offices, mar- 
shalships, and cabinet appointments, chargeships and for- 
eign missions, bursting and sprouting out in wonderful 
luxuriance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands. 
[Great laughter.] And as they have been gazing upon this 
attractive picture so long, they can not, in the little dis- 
traction that has taken place in the party, bring themselves 
to give up the charming hope; but with greedier anxiety 
they rush upon him, sustain him, and give him marches, 
triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what even in the 
days of liis highest prosperity they could have brought 
about in his favor. On the contrary, nobody ever ex- 
pected me to be President. In my poor, lean, lank face, 
nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out. 
[Cheering and laughter.] These are disadvantages all, that 
the Repubhcans labor under. We have to fight tlais battle 
upon principle and upon principle alone. I am, in a cer- 
tain sense, made the standard bearer in behalf of the 
Repubhcans. I was made so merely because there had 
to be some one so placed— I being in no wise prefer- 
able to any other one of the twenty-five— perhaps a 
hundred we have in the Republican ranks. Then I say I 
wish it to be distinctly understood and borne in mind, 
that we have to fight this battle without many— 
perhaps without any— of the external aids which are 
brought to bear against us. So I hope those with whom I 
am surrounded have principle enough to nerve themselves 
for the task, and leave nothing undone, that can be fairly 
done, to bring about the right result. 

The Douglas Programme. 

After Senator Douglas left Washington, as his move- 
ments were made known by the pubhc prints, he tarried a 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 121 

considerable time in New York City ; and it was heralded 
that, like another Napoleon, he was lying by and framing 
the plan of Ms campaign. It was telegraphed to Washing- 
ton city, and published in the Union, that he was framing 
his plan for the purpose of going to Illinois to pounce upon 
and amiihilate the treasonable and dis-union speech which 
Lincoln had made there on the 16th of June. Now, I do 
suppose the Judge really spent some time in New York 
maturing the plan of the campaign, as his friends heralded 
for him. I have been able, by noting his movements since 
his arrival in Illinois, to discover evidences confirmatory 
of that allegation. I think I have been able to see what are 
the material points of that plan. I will, for a little while, 
ask your attention to some of them. What I shall point 
out, though not showing the whole plan, are, nevertheless, 
the main points, as I suppose. 

They are not very numerous. The first is popular Sov- 
ereignty. The second and third are attacks upon my speech 
made on the 16th of June. Out of these three points- 
drawing within the range of popular sovereignty the ques- 
tion of the Lecompton constitution — he makes his principal 
assault. Upon these his successive speeches are substan- 
tially one and the same. On this matter of popular sover- 
eignty I wish to be a little careful. Auxiliary to these 
main points, to be sure, are their thunderings of cannon, 
their marching and music, their fizzle-gigs and fire-works; 
but I will not waste time with them. They are but the 
little trappings of the campaign. 

Popular Sovereignty. 

Coming to the substance — the first point — "popular 
sovereignty. " It is to be labeled upon the cars in which 
he travels ; put upon the hacks he rides in ; to be flaunted 
upon the arches he passes under, and the banners wliich wave 



122 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

over him. It is to be dished up in as many varieties as a 
French cook can produce soups from potatoes. Now, as 
this is so great a staple of the campaign, it is worth while to 
cxamhie it carefully; and if we examine only a very little, 
and do not allow ourselves to be misled, we shall be able to 
see that the whole thing is the most arrant Quixotism that 
was ever enacted before a community. What is this mat- 
ter of popular sovereignty? The first tiling, in order to 
understand it, is to get a good definition of what it is, and 
after that to see how it is applied. 

I suppose almost everyone knows that in this contro- 
versy, whatever has been said has had reference to the 
question of-negro slavery. We have not been in a contro- 
versy about the right of the people to govern themselves 
in the ordinary matters of domestic concern in the States 
and Territories. Mr. Buchanan, in one of his late messages 
(I think when he sent up the Lecompton Constitution), 
urged that the main point to which the public attention 
had been directed, was not in regard to the great variety of 
small domestic matters, but it was directed to the question 
of negro slavery, and he asserts, that if the people had had 
a fair chance to vote on that question, there was no reason- 
able ground of objection in regard to minor questions. 
Now, wliile I think that the people had not had given, or 
offered them, a fair chance upon that slavery question ; still, 
if there had been a fair submission to vote upon that 
main question, the President's proposition would have 
been true to the uttermost. Hence, when hereafter I speak 
of popular sovereignty, I wish to be understood as apply- 
ing what I say to the question of slavery only, not to other 
minor domestic matters of a Territory or a State. 

Does Judge Douglas when he says that several of the 
past years of liis life have been devoted to the question of 
"popular sovereignty," and that all the remainder of his 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 123 

life shall be devoted to it, does he mean to say that he has 
been devoting his life to securing to the people of the 
Territories the right to exclude slavery from the Terri- 
tories? If he means so to say, he means to deceive , because 
he and every one knows that the decision of the Supreme 
Court, which he approves and makes an especial ground 
of attack upon me for disapproving, forbids the people of 
a Territory to exclude slavery. This covers the whole 
ground, from the settlement of a Territory till it reaches 
the maturity entitling it to form a State Constitution. 
So far as all that ground is concerned, the Judge is not 
sustaining popular sovereignty, but absolutely opposing it. 
He sustains the decision which declares that the popular 
will of the Territories has no constitutional power to 
exclude slavery during their Territorial existence. 
[Cheers.] Tliis being so, the period of time, from the first 
settlement of a Territory till it reaches the point of forming 
a State Constitution, is not the thing that the Judge has 
fought for, or is fighting for, but on the contrary, he has 
fought for and is fighting for, the thing that annihilates 
and crushes out that same popular sovereignty. 

Well, so much being chsposed of, what is left? Why, 
he is contending for the right pf the people, when they come 
to make a State Constitution, to make it for themselves 
and precisely as best suits themselves. I say again, that 
is Quixotic. I defy contradiction, when I declare that the 
Judge can find no one to oppose him on that proposition. 
I repeat there is nobody opposing that proposition on 
principle. Let me not be misunderstood. I know that, 
with reference to the Lecompton Constitution I may be 
misunderstood; but when you understand mo correctly, 
my proposition will be true and accurate. Nobody is 
opposing, or has opposed, the right of the people, when 
they form a Constitution, to form it for themselves. Mr. 



124 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Buchanan and his friends have not done it. They, too, 
as well as the Republicans and the Anti-Lecompton Demo- 
crats have not done it; but, on the contrary, they together 
have insisted on the right of the people to form a Constitu- 
tion for themselves. The difference between the Buchanan 
men, on the one hand, and the Douglas men and the 
RepubUcans on the other, has not been on a question of 
principle, but on a question of fact. 

The chspute was upon the question of fact, whether the 
Lecompton Constitution had been fairly formed by the 
people or not. Mr. Buchanan and liis friends ha^'e not 
contended for the contrary principle, any more than the 
Douglas men or the Republicans. They have insisted, 
that whatever of small irregularities existed in getting 
up the Lecompton Constitution, were such as happen in 
the settlement of all new Territories. The question was, 
was it a fair emanation of the people? It was a question 
of fact, and not of principle. As to the principle, all were 
agreed. Judge Douglas voted with the Repubhcans upon 
that matter of fact. 

He and they, by their voices and votes, denied that it 
was a fair emanation of the people. The administration 
affirmed that it was. With respect to the e\'idence bearing 
upon the question of fact, I readily agree that Judge 
Douglas and the Republicans had the right on their side 
and that the Administration was \VTong. But I state 
again, that as a matter of principle, there is no dispute 
upon the right of a people in a Territory, merging into a 
State, to form a Constitution for themselves, \\ithout 
outside interference from any quarter. This being so, 
what is Judge Douglas going to spend his life for? Is he 
going to spend his life in maintaining a principle that 
nobody on earth opposes? [Cheers.] Does he expect to 
stand up in majestic dignity, and go through his apotheosis. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 125 

and become a god, in the maintaining of a principle which 
neither man nor mouse, in all God's creation, is opposing? 
[Great applause.] 

The Lecompton Issue. 

How will he prove that we have ever occupied a different 
position in regard to the Lecompton Constitution, or any 
principle in it? He says he did not make his opposition 
on the ground as to whether it was a free or a slave Con- 
stitution, and he would have you understand that the 
Republicans made their opposition because it ultimately 
became a slave constitution. To make proof in favor of 
himself on this point, he reminds us that he opposed 
Lecompton before the vote was taken whether the State 
was to be free or slave. But he forgets to say, that our 
Republican Senator, Trumbull, made a speech against 
Lecompton even before he did. 

Why did he oppose it? Partly, as he declares, because 
the members of the Convention who framed it were not 
fairly elected by the people; that the people were not 
allowed to vote unless they had been registered; and that 
the people of whole counties, in some instances, were not 
registered. For these reasons he declares the Constitution 
was not an emanation in any true sense, from the people. 
He also has an additional objection as to the mode of 
submitting the Constitution back to the people. But 
bearing on the question of whether the delegates were 
fairly elected, a speech of his made something more than 
twelve months ago from this stand, becomes important. 
It was made a httle wliile before the election of the dele- 
gates who made Lecompton. In that speech he declared 
there was every reason to hope and believe the election 
would be fair, and if any one failed to vote it would be his 
own fault. 



126 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

I, a few days after, made a sort of answer to that speech. 
In that answer, I made, substantially, the very argument 
with which he combated Ms Lecompton adversaries in the 
Senate last ^^•inter. I pointed to the fact that the people 
could not vote ^dthout being registered, and that the time 
for registering had gone by. I commented on it as wonder- 
ful that Judge Douglas could be ignorant of these facts, 
which every one else in the nation so well knew. 

[Jlr. Lincoln then proceeded to notice the attacks made 
by Douglas on the 6th of June speech of the former. In 
substance, it is like Ms repl)^ at CMcago. Some of its 
more striking passages are here subjoined.] 

He charges, in substance, that I invite a war of sections ; 
that I propose that all the local institutions of the different 
States shall become consolidated and umform. What is 
there in the language of that speech which expresses such 
purpose, or bears such construction? I have again and 
again said that I would not enter into any of the States to 
disturb the institution of slavery. Judge Douglas said, at 
Bloomington, that I used language most able and ingemous 
for concealing what I really meant ; and that, while I had 
protested against entering into the slave States, I neverthe- 
less did mean to go on the banks of the OMo and throw 
missiles into Kentucky, to disturb the people there in their 
domestic institutions. 

I said in that speech, and I meant no more, that the in- 
stitution of slavery ought to be placed in the very attitude 
where the framers of this government placed it, and left it. 
I do not understand that the framers of our Constitution 
left the people in the free States in the attitude of firing 
bombs or shells into the slave States. I was not using that 
passage for the pm-pose for wMch he infers I did use it. 

* * * Now you all see, from that quotation, I did not 
express my wish on anytMng. In that passage I indicate 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 127 

no wish or purpose of my own; I simply expressed my 
expectation. 

[Recurring to the Dred Scott case, after citing Jefferson's 
views on judicial decisions, and alluding to the course of the 
Democracy, Douglas included, in regard to the National 
Bank decision, Mr. Lincoln said:] 

Now, I wish to know what the Judge can charge upon 
me, ^^^th respect to the decisions of the Supreme Court, 
which does not lie in all its length, breadth and proportions 
at his own door. The plain truth is simply this: Judge 
Douglas is for Supreme Court decisions when he likes and 
against them when he does not like them. He is for the 
Dred Scott decision because it tends to nationalize slavery 
—because it is part of the original combination for that 
object. It so happened, singularly enough, that I never 
stood opposed to a decision of the Supreme Court till this. 
On the contrary, I have no recollection that he was ever 
particularly in favor of one till this. He never was in favor 
of any, nor I opposed to any, till the present one, which 
helps to nationahze slavery. 

Free men of Sangamon— free men of Illinois— free men 
ever}rwhere — judge ye between him and me, upon this issue. 

Near the close of July, various speeches having been 
made by each at different points, an arrangement for one 
joint discussion in each of the seven Congressional districts, 
in which they had not already both spoken, was agreed 
upon. At this stage of the canvass, the people of the whole 
country were beginning to take a lively interest in this con- 
test, and the reports of the first debate at Ottawa were 
eagerly sought for and read, at the East and at the AVest. 
The friends of Mr. Lincoln, and the Republicans in general, 
were well pleased with the manner in which he acquitted 
himself in this joint discussion. At each succeeding en- 



128 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

counter of this sort, the impression was strengthened 
throughout the country, that Mr. Lincoln was obtaining 
decided advantages over his opponent. At Freeport, he 
forced Douglas into an attempted reconciliation of the 
hitherto unexplained inconsistencies between his squatter 
sovereignty theory, and his support of the Dred Scott de- 
cision, which utterly excludes squatter sovereignty in prac- 
tice. His " unfriendly legislation " device, on that occasion, 
cost Douglas the loss of the last possibility of any reconcilia- 
tion with the Southern Democracy. While this answer, 
most unwdllingly given, perhaps, yet announced with appar- 
ent alacrity, contributed something toward effecting his 
immediate, temporary purpose, it undoubtedly destroyed 
all his remoter chances as a Presidential candidate of a 
united Democracy. 

The Ottawa debate is memorable for one of the most sur- 
prising political devices ever resorted to by a man in high 
position, like Douglas. It consisted in quoting a series of 
ultra resolutions adopted at a small local convention long 
before the party was formed, and palming them off as the 
platform adopted by " the first mass State convention ever 
held in Illinois by the Black Republican party. " On these 
resolutions, to which he assumed that Lincoln was com- 
mitted, Dougles based a series of questions, which the former 
duly exposing the imposition thus practiced, frankly and 
most explicitly answered at Freeport, the scene of the 
second debate, as follows: 

Opening Passages of Mr. Lincoln's Freeport Speech. 

Ladies and Gentlemen: — On Saturday last Judge 
Douglas and myself first met in pubhc discussion. He 
spoke one hour, I an hour and a half, and he replied for 
half an hour. The order is now reversed. I am to speak 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 129 

an hour, he an hour and a half, and then I am to reply for 
half an hour. I propose to devote myself during the first 
hour to the scope of what was brought within the range of 
his half-hour speech at Ottawa. Of course there was 
brought within the scope of that half-hour's speech some- 
thing of his own opening speech. In the course of that 
opening argument Judge Douglas proposed to me seven 
distinct interrogatories. In my speech of an hour and a 
half, I attended to some other parts of his speech, and 
incidentally, as I thought, answered one of the interroga- 
tories then. I then distinctly intimated to him that I 
would answer the rest of his interrogatories on condition 
only that he should agree to answer as many for me. He 
made no intimation at the time of the proposition, nor did 
he in his reply allude at all to that suggestion of mine. I 
do liim no injustice in saying that he occupied at least half 
of his reply in dealing with me as though I had refused to 
answer his interrogatories. I now propose that I will 
answer any of the interrogatories, upon condition that he 
will answer questions from me not exceeding the same num- 
ber. I give liim an opportunity to respond. The Judge 
remains silent. I now say that I will answer his interroga- 
tories, whether he answers mine or not [applause] : and that 
after I have done so, I shall propound mine to him. [Ap- 
plause.] 

I have supposed myself, since the organization of the 
Republican party at Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound 
as a party man by the platforms of the party, then and 
since. If in any interrogatories which I shall answer I go 
beyond the scope of what is within those platforms, it will 
be perceived that no one is responsible but myself. 

Having said thus much, I will take up the Judge's inter- 
rogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times, and 
answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no 



130 Life of Abkaham Lincoln. 

mistake about it, I have copied the interrogatories in 
writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of 
these interrogatories is in these words: 

Question 1. "I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day 
stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional 
repeal of the Fugitive Slave law?" 

Answer. I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of 
the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. 

Q. 2. "I desire him to answer whether he stands 
pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission 
of any more slave States into the LTnion, even if the people 
want them?" 

A. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against 
the admission of any more slave states into the Union. 

Q. 3. "I want to know whether he stands pledged 
against the admission of a new State in the LTnion, with 
such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit 
to make?" 

A. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a 
new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the 
people of that State may see fit to make. 

Q. 4. "I want to know whether he stands pledged 
to the abohtion of slavery in the District of Columbia?"' 

A. I do not stand pledged to-day to the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia. 

Q. 5. " I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged 
to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different 
States?" 

A. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the 
slave-trade between the different States. 

Q. 6. " I desire to know whether he stands pledged to 
prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, 
North as well as South of the Missouri Compromise line?" 

A. I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a beUef 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 131 

in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all 
the United States Territories. [Great applause.] 

Q. 7. "I desire him to answer whether he is opposed 
to the acquisition of any new territory unless slavery is 
first prohibited therein?" 

A. I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition 
of territory; and in any given case, I would or would not 
oppose such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such 
acquisition would or would not agitate the slavery question 
among ourselves. 

Now, my friends, it will be perceived, upon an examina- 
tion of these questions and answers, that so far I have only 
answered that I was not pledged to tMs, that or the other. 
The Judge has not framed his interrogatories to ask me 
anything more than this, and I have answered in strict 
accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered 
truly that I am not pledged at all upon any of the points 
to which I have answered. But I am not disposed to 
hang upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am 
rather disposed to take up at least some of these questions, 
and state what I really think upon them. 

As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave law, I 
have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate to 
say, that I think, under the Constitution of the United 
States, the people of the Southern States are entitled to a 
Congressional Slave law. Having said that, I have had 
nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugitive Slave law, 
further than that I think it should have been framed so 
as to be free from some of the objections that pertain to 
it, without lessening its efficiency. And inasmuch as we 
are not now in an agitation in regard to an alteration or 
modification of that law, I would not be the man to intro- 
duce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general 
question of slavery. 



132 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged 
to the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, 
I state to you very frankly that I would be exceedingly 
sorry ever to be put in a position of ha^^ng to pass upon 
that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that 
there would never be another slave State admitted into the 
Union; but, I must add, that if slavery shall be kept out 
of the Territories during the Territorial existence of any 
one given Territory, and then the people shall, ha\'ing a 
fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the 
Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt 
a slave Constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence 
of the institution among them, I see no alternative if we 
own the country, but to admit them into the Union. 
[Applause.] 

The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the 
second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second. 

The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in 
the District of Colmiibia. In relation to that, I have my 
mind very distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly 
glad to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. 
I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power 
to abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should not, 
with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish 
slavery in the District of Columbia, imless it would be upon 
these conditions : First, that the abolition should be grad- 
ual ; Second, that it should be on a vote of the majority of 
qualified voters in the District, and Third, that compensa- 
tion should be made to unwilling owners. With these 
three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to 
see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, 
and, in the language of Henry Clay, "sweep from our 
Capital that foul blot upon our nation." 

In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, that 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 133 

as to the question of the abolition of the slave-trade between 
the different States, I can truly answer, as I have, that I 
am pledged to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I 
have not given that mature consideration that would make 
me feel authorized to state a position so as to [hold myself 
entirely bound by it. In other words, that question has 
never been prominently enough before me to induce me 
to investigate whether we really have the constitutional 
power to do it. I could investigate it if I had sufficient 
time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject; 
but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, 
and to Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I 
should be of opinion that Congress does possess the consti- 
tutional power to abolish slave trading among the different 
States, I should still not be in favor of the exercise of that 
power, unless upon some conservative principle as I con- 
ceive it, akin to what I have said in relation to the aboli- 
tion of slavery in the District of Columbia. 

My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be 
prohibited in all the Territories of the United States, is full 
and explicit within itself, and can not be made clearer by 
any comments of mine. So I suppose, in regard to the 
question whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any 
more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein, 
my answer is such that I could add nothing by way of 
illustration, or making myself better understood, than the 
answer which I have placed in writing. 

Now, in all this, the Judge has me, and he has me on 
the record. I suppose he had flattered himself that I was 
really entertaining one set of opinions for one place, and 
another set for another place— that I was afraid to say 
at one place what I uttered at another. What I am saying 
here, I suppose I say to a vast audience as strongly tending 
to Abolitionism as any audience in the State of Illinois, and 



134 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

I believe I am saying that which, if it would be offensive 
to any persons and render them enemies to myself, would 
be ofTensive to persons in this audience. 

At Jonesboro, in the lower part of the State, where their 
third debate was held, Douglas re-iterated his often-refuted 
charges of ultraism against Lincoln, wliich the latter just as 
coolly and convincingly disposed of, as if there had been no 
unreasonable pertinacity in making imjust accusations 
against him. After bringing home the sin of re-opening 
agitation, to the door of Douglas, he proceeded to show as 
extravagant radicalism in the recorded professions of the 
Democracy as of any persons acting with the Repubhcan 
party. He then completely riddled the "unfriendly legis- 
lation" theory of Douglas, exliibiting its utter inconsistency 
with fidelity to his constitutional oaths, so long as he in- 
dorsed the validity of the political dogmas of Judge Taney, 
in his Dred Scott opinion. 

In the fourth debate, at Charleston, the attempts of Doug- 
las to make capital out of the Mexican War question were 
appropriately disposed of. Here, also, Douglas was con- 
victed, on conclusive testimony, of having stricken out of the 
Toombs Kansas Bill a clause requiring the Constitution 
that should be formed under its provisions, to be sub- 
mitted to the people. Tliis had an important bearing on 
one objection upon wliich Douglas based his Anti-Lecomp- 
ton rebellion. 

The fifth joint discussion was held at Galesburg, the 
sixth at Quincy, and the last at Alton. The main topics 
and methods of these debates, as of the rest, did not sub- 
stantially differ from those of the speeches at Chicago and 
Springfield. 

The Alton debate occurred on the 15th of October. As 
the day of the election (November 2d) approached, it be- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 135 

came more and more evident that strong efforts were mak- 
ing, aided by the advice of Senator Crittenden on the one 
hand, and of Vice-President Breckinridge on the other, to 
secure a diversion of "Conservative" votes — American, 
Democratic, and Whig — in the central and southern parts 
of the State, in favor of Douglas. These endeavors suc- 
ceeded to such an extent that, with the immense advantages 
the Douglas party had in their unequal and utterly unfair 
apportionment of Legislative Districts, and in the lucky 
proportion of Democratic Senators holding over, they se- 
cured a small majority in each branch of the new Legisla- 
ture. The Senate had 14 Democrats and 11 Repubhcans — 
the House 40 Democrats and 35 Republicans. The popular 
voice was for Lincoln, by more than four thousand majority, 
over Douglas. 

Admiration of the manly bearing and gallant conduct of 
Mr. Lincoln, throughout this campaign, which had early 
assumed a national importance, led to the spontaneous 
suggestion of his name, in various parts of the country, as a 
candidate for the Presidency. From the beginning to the 
end of the contest, he had proved himself an able states- 
man, an effective orator, a true gentleman, and an honest 
man. While, therefore, Douglas was returned to the 
Senate, there was a general presentiment that a juster ver- 
dict was yet to be had, and that Mr. Lincoln and his cause 
would be ultimately vindicated before the people. That 
time was to come, even sooner, perhaps, than his friends 
in their momentary despondency, expected. From that 
hour to the present, the fame of Abraham Lincoln has been 
enlarging and ripening, and the love of his noble character 
has become more and more deeply fixed in the popular 
heart. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Speeches of 1859-'60. 

During the year following his great contest with Douglas, 
which had resulted in a barren triumph through the in- 
justice of the previous Democratic Legislature in refusing 
a fair and equal apportionment, Mr. Lincoln again gave 
himself almost exclusively to professional labors. During 
the autumn campaign of 1859, however, when Douglas 
visited Ohio, and endeavored to turn the tide of battle in 
favor of the Democracy in that State, so as to secure the 
re-election of Mr. Pugh, and to gain other partisan benefits, 
an earnest invitation was sent to Lincoln to assist the 
Republicans in their canvass. He complied, and delivered 
two most effective speeches in Ohio, one at Columbus, and 
the other at Cincinnati. 

In his speech at the former place (September 16, 1859), 
he began by noticing a statement which he read from the 
central Democratic organ, averring that in the canvass of 
the previous year with Douglas, "Mr. Lincoln declared in 
favor of negro suffrage." This charge he quickly dis- 
posed of, showing by quotations from his printed speeches 
of that canvass, that he distinctly and repeatedly declared 
himself opposed to the policy thus attributed to him. 

Mr. Lincoln then noticed the recent Columbus speech 
of Mr. Douglas, in which he "dealt exclusively" in the 
"negro topics" of discussion. Mr. Lincoln spoke at some 
length on these issues, and thoroughly exposed the dis- 
tinctions between genuine popular sovereignty, and the 

137 



138 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

spurious sort which Douglas and his friends passed off for 
the reahty. He then went on to notice the great amount 
of trouble which Mr. Douglas had had with his spurious 
popular sovereignty, and to illustrate how "his explana- 
tions explanatory of explanations explained are intermin- 
able. The Harper's Magazine essay of Douglas on this 
subject was dissected, and left without any logical vitality 
or cohesion. Two or three brief points in the remainder of 
this speech are subjoined: 

States and Territories. 

There is another little difficulty about this matter of 
treating the Territories and States alike in all things, to 
which I ask your attention, and I shall leave this branch 
of the case. If there is no difference between them, why 
not make the Territories States at once? What is the 
reason that Kansas was not fit to come into the Union 
when it was organized into a Territory, in Judge Douglas' 
view? Can any of you tell any reason why it should not 
have come into the Union at once? They are, as he thinks, 
to decide upon the slavery question— the largest and most 
important with which they could possibly deal — what 
could they do by coming into the Union that they are not 
fit to do, according to his view, by staying out of it? Oh, 
they are not fit to sit in Congress and decide upon the rates 
of postage, or questions of ad valorem or specific duties on 
foreign goods, or live oak timber contracts. [Laughter.] 
They are not fit to decide these vastly important matters, 
which are national in their import, but they are fit, "from 
the jump" to decide this little negro question. But, 
gentlemen, the case is too plain; I occupy too much time 
on this head and I pass on. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 139 

Stand by the Doctrines of the Fathers. 

I see in the Judge's speech here a short sentence in 
these words: "Our fathers, when they formed this Gov- 
ernment under which we live, understood this question 
just as well, even better than we do now." That is true. 
I stick to that. [Great cheers and laughter.] I will stand 
by Judge Douglas in that to the bitter end. [Renewed 
laughter.] And now, Judge Douglas, come and stand by 
me, and faithfully show how they acted, understanding it 
better than we do. All I ask of you, Judge Douglas, is to 
stick to the proposition that the men of the Revolution 
understood this subject better than we do now, and 
with ilmt better understanding they acted better than you are 
trying to act now. [Applause.] 

At Cincinnati, on the 17th of September, Mr. Lincoln 
addressed an immense audience on the same general politi- 
cal topics, and in his ablest manner. He did not repeat 
or merely play variations upon his Columbus speech, but 
adopted new modes of illustrating and enforcing his views. 
He was listened to with an interest rarely excited by any 
orator who ever spoke in this city, even in the most exciting 
campaign. No extracts can give a true idea of its ability 
and pov/er as a whole. Alluding to Douglas' perversions 
of his views, and to the charge of wishing to disturb slavery 
in the States by "shooting over" the line, Mr. Lincoln 
said: 

Shooting over the Line. 

It has occurred to me here to-night, that if I ever do 
shoot over at the people on the other side of the line in a 
slave State, and purpose to do so, keeping my skin safe, 
that I have now about the best chance I shall ever have. 
[Laughter and applause.] I should not wonder if there 
are some Kentuckians about this audience ; we are close to 



140 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Kentucky, and whether that be so or not, we are on ele- 
vated ground, and by speaking distinctly, I should not 
wonder if some of the Kentuckians should hear me on the 
other side of the river. [Laughter.] For that reason I 
propose to address a portion of what I have to say to the 
Kentuckians. 

I say, then, in the first place, to the Kentuckians, 
that I am what they call, as I understand it, a " Black 
Republican." [Applause and laughter.] I think that 
slavery is wrong, morally, socially and politically. I desire 
that it should be no further spread in these United States, 
and I should not object if it should gradually terminate 
in the whole Union. [Applause.] While I say this for 
myself, I say to you, Kentuckians, that I understand that 
you differ radically with me upon this proposition; that 
you believe slavery is a good thing: that slavery is right; 
that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this Union. 
Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not 
pretend, in addressing myself to you, Kentuckians, to 
attempt proselyting you at all ; that would be a vain effort. 
I do not enter upon it. I only propose to try to show you 
that you ought to nominate for the next Presidency, at 
Charlestown, my distinguished friend. Judge Douglas. 
[Applause.] In whatever there is a difference between 
you and him, I understand he is as sincerely for you, and 
more wisely for you, than you are for yourselves. [Ap- 
plause.] I will try to demonstrate that proposition. 
Understand, now, I say that I believe he is as sincerely for 
you, and more wisely for you, than you are for yourselves. 

Mr. Lincoln then went on to show that Douglas was 
constantly endeavoring to mold "the pubhc opinion of the 
North to the ends" desired by the South, that he only 
differed from the South in so far as was necessary to retain 
any hold upon his own section; that, not daring to main- 



Life op Abraham Lincoln. 141 

tain that slavery is right, he professed an indifference 
whether it was " voted up or voted down " — thus indirectly- 
advancing the opinion that it is not wrong; and that he 
had taken a step in the advance, by doing what would not 
have been thought of by any man five years ago, to wit : — 
denying that the Declaration of Independence asserts any 
principle intended to be applicable to black men, or that 
properly includes them. The tendency of this doctrine 
" is to bring the public mind to the conclusion that when 
men are spoken of, the negro is not meant; that when 
negroes are not spoken of, brutes alone are contemplated. " 
Of the certainty of a speedy Republican triumph in the 
nation, and of its results, Mr. Lincoln said : 

What the Opposition Mean to do. 

I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for 
the Opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean 
to treat you, as nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, 
Jefferson, and Madison treated you. [Cheers.] We mean 
to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your 
institution; to abide by all and every compromise of the 
Constitution, and, in a word, coming back to the original 
proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we 
have degenerated) may, imitating the examples of those 
noble fathers — Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. [Ap- 
plause.] We mean to remember that you are good as we; 
that there is no difference between us, other than the 
difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and 
bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your 
bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat 
you accordingly. We mean to marry your girls, when we 
have a chance — the white ones I mean — [laughter] and I 
have the honor to inform you that I once did get a chance 
in that way. [A voice, "good for you," and applause.] 



142 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Plain Questions to the Disunion Democracy. 

I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, 
now, when that thing takes place, what do you mean to do. 
I often hear it intimated that you mean to divide the 
Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is elected 
President of the United States. [A voice, "That is so."] 
" That is so, " one of them says. I wonder if he is a Ken- 
tuckian. [A voice, " He is a Douglas man. "] Well then, I 
want to know what you are going to do with your lialf of it? 
[Applause and laughter.] Are you going to split the Ohio 
down through, and push your half off a piece? Or are you 
going to keep it right along side of us outrageous fellows? 
Or are you going to build up a wall some way between your 
country and ours, by wliich that movable property of yours 
can't come over here any more, and you lose it? Do you 
think you can better yourselves on that subject, by leaving 
us here under no obligation whatever to return those 
specimens of your movable property that come liither? 
You have divided the Union because we would not do 
right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we 
cease to be under obligations to do anytliing for you, how 
much better off do you think you will be? Will you make 
war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you 
are as gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight 
as bravely in a good cause, man for man, as any other 
people living; that you have shown yourselves capable of 
this upon various occasions ; but, man for man, you are not 
better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there 
are of us. [Loud cheering.] You will never make much 
of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in numbers 
than you, I think that you could whip us ; if wo were equal, 
it would likely be a drawn battle ; but being inferior in num- 
bers, you will make nothing by attempting to master us. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 143 

What Republicans Must Do. 

I say that we must not interfere with the institution of 
slavery in the United States where it exists, because the 
Constitution forbids it, and the general welfare does not 
require us to do so. We must not withhold an efficient 
fugitive slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as 
I understand it, not to withhold such a law, but we must 
prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither 
the Constitution nor the general welfare requires us to 
extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African 
slave trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial 
slave-code. We must prevent each of these things being 
done by either Congresses or Courts. The People of these 
United States are the rightful masters of "both 
Congresses and Courts [applause], not to overthrow the 
Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert that 
Constitution. [Applause.] 

After expressing an earnest desire " that all the elements 
of the Opposition should unite in the next Presidential 
election and in all future time," on a right and just basis; 
and after saying, "There are plenty of men in the slave 
States that are altogether good enough for me to be either 
President or Vice-President, provided they will profess 
sympathy with our purpose in the election, and will place 
themselves upon such ground that our men, upon principle, 
can vote for them, " Mr. Lincoln brought his remarlvs to a 
close. 

In the spring of 1860, Mr. Lincoln yielded to the calls, 
which came to him from the East for liis presence and aid 
in the exciting political canvasses there going on. He spoke 
at various places in Connecticut, New Hampshire, and 
Rhode Island, and also in New York City, to very large 



144 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

audiences, and was everywhere warmly welcomed. Per- 
haps one of the greatest speeches of his life, was that de- 
livered by him at the Cooper Institute, in New York, on 
the 27th of February, 1860. A crowded audience was 
present, which received Mr. Lincoln with enthusiastic 
demonstrations. William Cullen Bryant presided, and 
introduced the speaker in terms of high compliment to the 
West, and to the "eminent citizen" of that section, whose 
political labors in 1856 and '58 were appropriately eulo- 
gized. 

The Cooper Institute Speech. 

Mr. Lincoln then proceeded to address his auditors in 
an extended and closely-reasoned argument, proving in the 
most convincing manner that the Republican party stands 
where "the fathers" stood on the slavery question, and 
eloquently enforcing the sentiment expressed by Mr. 
Douglas in liis Columbus speech of the previous autumn, 
namely: "Our fathers, when they framed the government 
under which we live, undetstood this question just as well, 
and even better than we do now. " The argument and its 
illustrations were masterly, the logic unanswerable. 

A few paragraphs of his concluding remarks are all 
that can be given here. 

What Will Satisfy the Southern Democracy? 

A few words now to Republicans. It is exceedingly de- 
sirable that all parts of this great Confederacy shall be at 
peace, and in harmony one with another. Let us Repub- 
licans do our part to have it so. Even though much pro- 
voked, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. 
Even though the Southern people will not so much as 
listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and 
yield to them, if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 145 

possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the 
subject and nature of their controversy with us, let us de- 
termine, if we can, what will satisfy them. 

Will they be satisfied if fhe Territories be unconditionally 
surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their 
present complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely 
mentioned. Invasions and insurrections are the rage 
now. Will it satisfy them, if, in the future, we have noth- 
ing to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it 
will not. We so Imow, because we know we never had any- 
thing to do with invasions and insurrections ; and yet this 
total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and 
the denunciation. 

The question recurs. What will satisfy them? Simply 
this : We must not only let them alone, but we must, some- 
how, convince them that we do let them alone. This, we 
know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so 
trying to convince them, from the very beginning of our 
organization, but with no success. In all our platforms 
and speeches, we have constantly protested our purpose 
to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to con- 
vince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the 
fact, that they never detected a man of us in any attempt 
to disturb them. 

These natural and apparently adequate means all fail- 
ing, what will convince them? This, and this only: cease 
to call slavery vrrong, and join them in calling it right. All 
this must be done thoroughly— done in acts as well as in 
words. * * * 

If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our 
duty fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none 
of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so in- 
dustriously plied and belabored— contrivances such as 
groping for some middle ground between the right and 



146 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be 
neither a living man nor a dead man — such as a policy 
of "don't care" on a question about which all true men 
do care — such as Union appeals, beseeching true Union men 
to yield to Disunionists, reversing the Divine rule, and call- 
ing not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance — such 
as invocations of Wasliington, imploring men to unsay what 
Washington said, and undo what Washington did. Neither 
let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations 
against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destrliction 
to the Government, nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us 
have faith that right makes might; and in that faith, let 
us, to the end, dare to do our duty, as we understand it. 

This is the last of the great speeches of Mr. Lincoln, 
prior to the election of 1860, of which there is any complete 
report. It forms a brilliant close to this period of his life, 
and a fitting prelude to that on which he was about to 
enter. 

It was during this visit to New York that the following 
incident occurred, as related by a teacher in the Five 
Points House of Industry, in that city. 

Our Sunday-school in the Five Points was assembled, one 
Sabbath morning, a few months since, when I noticed a tall 
and remarkable looking man enter the room and take a seat 
among us. He listened with fixed attention to our exer- 
cises, and his countenance manifested such genuine interest 
that I approached liim and suggested that he might be 
wilHng to say something to the children. He accepted the 
invitation with evident pleasure, and coming forward began 
a simple address, which at once fascinated every little 
hearer and hushed the room into silence. His language was 
strikingly beautiful, and his tones musical with intensest 
feeling. The little faces around would droop into sad con- 



Life of Abhaham Lincoln. 147 

viction as he uttered sentences of warning, and would 
brighten into sunshine as he spoke cheerful words of prom- 
ise. Once or twice he atempted to close his remarks, but 
the imperative shout of "Go on!" "Oh, do go on!" would 
compel him to resume. As I looked upon the gaunt and 
sinewy frame of the stranger, and marked his powerful head 
and determined features, now touched into softness by the 
impressions of the moment, I felt an irrepressible curiosity 
to learn something more about him, and when he was quiet- 
ly leaving the room, I begged to know his name. He 
courteously replied, "It is Abraham Lincoln, from 
Illinois!" 



CHAPTER IX. 
Mr. Lincoln's Nomination for the Presidency. 

The Republican National Convention met at Chicago on 
the 16th of May, 1860, to nominate candidates for Presi- 
dent and Vice-President of the United States. At the date 
of its assembling, the great quadrennial convention of the 
Democratic party had been held at Charleston, and, after 
nearly two weeks' session, had adjourned without any 
agreement upon either platform or candidates. Douglas, 
with his Freeport record, which had become necessary in 
order to accomplish his temporary purpose, had proved an 
irreconcilably disturbing element in that convention. The 
nomination of Douglas by a united Democracy had been 
demonstrated to be impossible, and the only alternative of 
his withdrawal or an incurable disruption was presented. 
Subsequently, a "Constitutional Union" convention had 
assembled at Baltimore, and nominated a Presidental 
ticket, with no other definitely avowed object than that pro- 
fessed in common by all citizens, everywhere, of supporting 
the Constitution and the Union. All eyes were now turned 
toward Chicago, as the point at which the problem of the 
next Presidency was to be definitely solved. 

Before the Republican National Convention met, the 
names of many distinguished statesmen had been proposed 
for the first place on the Presidential ticket, and their merits 
and availability had been extensively discussed. In this 
preliminary canvassing there had been no bitterness or un- 
seemly personalities. There was a general indication of 

149 



150 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

harmony in ultimate action, and of unbroken union upon 
whatever ticket should be selected. 

The first day of the Convention was spent in organizing 
and on the second day the committee, selected for that pur- 
pose, reported a platform of principles which was unani- 
mously adopted, and has been strongly approved by the 
people. 

On the morning of the 18th, amid the most intense, though 
subdued excitement of the twelve thousand people inside of 
the " Wigwam," in which the convention was held, and amid 
the anxious solicitude and suspense of the still greater num- 
bers outside, who could not gain admission, it was voted to 
proceed at once to ballot for a candidate for President of 
the United States. Seven names were formally presented 
in the following order: 

William H. Seward, of New York; Abraham Lincoln, 
of Illinois; William L. Dayton, of New Jersey; Simon 
Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio; 
Edward Bates, of Missouri; and John McLe.\n of Ohio. 

Loud and long-continued applause greeted the first two 
of these names, in particular, between which it was soon 
apparent that the chief contest was to be. 

On the first ballot Mr. Seward received 173 votes, Mr. 
Lincoln 102, Mr. Cameron 50, Mr. Chase 49, Mr. Bates 48, 
M. Dayton 14, Mr. McLean 12, and there were 16 votes 
scattered among cadidates not put in nomination. For a 
choice, 233 votes were required. 

On the second ballot (Mr. Cameron's name having been 
withdrawn) the vote for the several candidates was as 
follows: Mr. Seward 184, Mr. Lincoln 181, Mr. Chase 42, 
Mr. Bates 35, Mr. Dayton, 10, Mr. McLean 8, scatter- 
ing 4. 

The third ballot was immediately taken, and when the 
call of the roll was ended, the footings were as follows: For 



Life of ASraham Lincoln. 151 

Mr. Lincoln 231, Mr. Seward ISO, Mr. Chase 24, Mr. Bates 
22, all others 7. Immediately before the result was 
announced, four Ohio delegates changed their votes to Mr. 
Lincoln, giving him a majority. 

The scene which followed — the wild manifestations of ap- 
proval and delight, within and without the hall, prolonged 
uninterruptedly for twenty minutes, and renewed again and 
again for a half hour longer — no words can describe. Never 
before was there a popular assembly of any sort, probably, 
so stirred with a contagious and all-pervading enthusiasm. 
The nomination was made unanimous, on motion of Mr. 
Evarts, of New York, who had presented the name of Mr. 
Seward, and speedily, on the wings of lightning, the news of 
the great event was spread to all parts of the land. Subse- 
quently, with like heartiness and unanimity, the ticket was 
completed by the nomination, on the second ballot, of Sen- 
ator Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President. 

These demonstrations at Chicago were but a representa- 
tion of the common sentiments of the masses of the Repub- 
lican party, and of thousands among the people, not before 
included in its ranks in the country at large. From that 
day to the present, the wisdom of the nomination of Abra- 
ham Lincoln for the highest place in the American Govern- 
ment has been more and more confirmed. As a man of the 
people, in cordial sympathy with the masses, he had the un- 
doubting confidence of the sincere friends of free labor, re- 
gardless of party distinctions. As a man of sterling integrity 
and incorruptible honesty, he was to become the fitting 
agent for upholding the Federal Government in the days of 
its greatest trial. As a man of eminent abihty, and of 
sound principles, after the earliest and best standard in our 
political history, his election was to give to the country an 
administration credible to our republican polity, and to 
result in the complete removal of the great disquieting 



152 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

element which at length convulsed the nation with a gigan- 
tic civil war. 

The brief letter of Mr. Lincoln, in acceptance of the 
Presidential nomination, is subjoined. 



Springfield, III., May 23, 1860. 
Hon. Geo. Ashmun, 

President of the Republwan National Convention. 

Sir : — I accept the nomination tendered me by the con- 
vention over which you presided, and of which I am for- 
mally apprised in the letter of yourself and others, acting 
as a committee of the convention for that purpose. 

The declaration of principles and sentiments, which 
accompanies your letter, meets my approval; and it shall 
be my care not to violate nor to disregard it, in any part. 

Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with 
due regard to the views and feeling of all who were repre- 
sented in the convention; to the rights of all- the States, and 
Territories, and the people of the nation; to the inviola- 
bility of the Constitution, and to the perpetual union, har- 
mony and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co-operate 
for the practical success of the principles declared by the 
convention. 

Your obliged friend and fellow citizen, 

Abraham Lincoln. 

The popular favor with the nomination of Mr. Lincoln 
was first received was strengthened by the spirited canvass 
which followed. The electoral votes of the States of Maine, 
New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, 
Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Cahfornia, 
and Oregon, seventeen states, were cast for Lincoln and 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 153 

Hamlin. The votes of Maryland, Delaware, North Carolina, 
South Carolina, Georgia, Frorida, Alabama, Louisiana, 
Mississippi, Arkansas and Texas, eleven states, were cast 
for Breckinridge and Lane. The votes of Virginia, Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee were cast for Bell and Everett. The 
electoral vote of Missouri was given for Douglas and John- 
son. The vote of New Jersey was divided, four being given 
for Lincoln and three for Douglas. 

The aggregate electoral vote for each Presidential candi- 
date, as foimd by the official canvass in joint session of the 
two Houses of Congress, on the 13th day of February, 1861, 
was as follows: For Abraham Lincoln, 180; for John C. 
Breckinridge, 72, for John Bell, 39; and for Stephen A. 
Douglas, 12. The Vice-President, Mr. Breckinridge, then 
officially declared Mr. Lincoln elected President of the 
United States for four years, commencing on the 4th of 
March, 1861. 

The aggregate popular vote for each of the Presidential 
candidates, at this election, was as follows For Mr. Lin- 
coln, 1,866,452; for Mr. Douglas, 1,375,157; for Mr. 
Breckinridge, 847,953; and for Mr. Bell, 590,631. The 
last speech of Mr. Douglas, in the ensuing 'spring, urged 
upon his friends an earnest support of the Administration 
in putting down the rebellion, as in his speech at Norfolk, 
Va., during the preceding canvass, he had declared in favor 
of coercion, as the remedy for secession. Mr. Bell went 
over to the secession cause, co-operating with Mr. Breckin- 
ridge, afterward a general in the Confederate army. The 
total vote for the two loyal candidates was 3,241,609. 

On the morning of February 11th, Mr. Lincoln, with his 
family, left Springfield for Washington. A large con- 
course of citizens had assembled at the depot, on the occa- 
sion of his departure, whom, with deep emotion, he ad- 
dressed as follows : 



154 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

My Friends: No one, not in my position, can appre- 
ciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe 
all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a 
century; here my cliildi'en were born, and here one of them 
lies buried. I laiow not how soon I shall see you again. 
A duty devolves upon me which is, perhaps, greater than 
that which has devolved upon any other man since the days 
of Wasliington. He never could have succeeded except for 
the aid of Divine Proiidnece upon which he at all times 
relied. I feel that I can not succeed without the same 
Divine aid which sustained him ; and in the same Almighty 
Being I place my reliance for support, and hope you, my 
friends, will all pray that I may receive that Divine assist- 
ance, without which I cannot succeed, but with wMch suc- 
cess is certain. Again, I bid you all an effectionate fare- 
well. 

The first speech of Mr. Lincoln on his journey was that 
delivered at Indianapolis, on the evening of the same day, 
addressed to a multitude of people assembled to welcome 
liim. As containing the earliest direct intimation of Ms 
views on the all-engrossing topic of the time, it is appro- 
priately given here: 

Fellow Citizens of the State of Indiana: I am here 
to thank you for this magnificent welcome, and still more for 
the generous support given by your State to that political 
cause, which, I think, is the true and just cause of the whole 
country, and the whole world. Solomon says, "there is a 
time to keep slience ; " and when men wrangle by the mouth 
with no certainty that they mean the same thing while 
using the same words, it perhaps were as well if they would 
keep silence. 

The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in 
these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 155 

Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand 
the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact 
definitions of these words — not from dictionaries, but 
from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the 
things they would represent by the use of the words. 

What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would 
the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the 
consent of her people, and with hostile intent toward them, 
be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would be 
coercion, also, if the South Carolinians were forced to 
submit. But if the United States should merely hold and 
retake its own forts and other property, and collect the 
duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the 
mails from places where they were habitually violated, 
would any or all of these things be invasion or coercion? 
Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully resolve 
that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that 
such things as these, on the part of the United States, would 
be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means 
to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to 
be exceedingly tliin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the 
homeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In 
their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to 
be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of "free-love" 
arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. 

By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a 
State? I speak not of the position assigned to a State in 
the Union by the Constitution, for that is a bond we all 
recognize. That position, however, a State can not carry 
out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary 
right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and to 
ruin all wliich is larger than itself. If a State and a County, 
in a given case, should be equal in number of inhabitants, 
in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than 



156 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

the County? Would an exchange of name be an exchange 
of rights? LIpon what principle, upon what rightful 
principle, may a State, being no more than one-fiftieth part 
of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation, 
and then coerce a proportionably large subdivision of itself 
in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to 
play tyrant is conferred on a district of country ^vithits 
people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-citizens, I am 
not asserting an>i;hing. I am merely asking questions for 
you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell. 

Enthusiastic greetings awaited the President elect all 
along his route, the people hailing the approach of the day 
which was to witness, under his auspices, the beginning of a 
new regime for the nation. 

At Philadelphia, on the 22nd of February, he visited 
Independence Hall, where throngs of people gathered to see 
him, and where he raised a national flag to its place on the 
staff above, as requested, amid the cheers of the thousands 
present. In a brief speech, he referred with much emotion 
to the men who had assembled in this Hall in 1776, and to 
the principles there proclaimed on the 4th of July — prin- 
ciples which he declared it to be his purpose never to yield, 
if he must seal liis devotion to them by a violent death. 
On the next day he reached Harrisburg. 

Positive information had now been received at Washing- 
ton of a plot to assinate Mr. Lincoln at Baltimore. When 
this was communicated to him, he was averse to any change 
of the time fixed upon for his transit through that city. 
On the earnest representations of Mr. Seward, however, 
who sent a special messenger to the President elect at 
Harrisburg, to urge this course, he left the latter place on 
the night train, a few hours in advance of that which he 
was expected to take, and passing through Baltimore with 
out recognition,arrived the followingmorningin Washington. 



CHAPTER X. 

Commencement of President Lincoln's Administration. 

On the fourth day of March, 1861, Mr. Lincoln took the 
oath of office, as President of the United States. The ad- 
ministation of James Buchanan, and eight years of in- 
tensely southern sway in all branches of the National Gov- 
ernment, were now at an end. During the four months that 
had intervened since the people decreed this change not a 
moment had been lost by the leaders in the now clearly 
developed scheme of revolt, in making energetic prepara- 
tion for its consummation. So well had they succeeded, by 
the aid of bold treason or of inert complicity at the 
national capital, that they imagined they had assured the 
full attainment of their object, almost without the hazard 
of a single campaign. While professing, however, to be- 
lieve in a fancied right of peaceable secession, and pro- 
claiming their desire to be left unmolested in the execution 
of their revolutionary purposes, the chief conspirators well 
knew that this immunity could only be gained by such use of 
the remaining days of the outgoing administration that the 
crisis should already be over, or resistance to their treason 
be rendered ineffectual, when the new administration 
should begin. They industriously collected the materials 
of war, yet spared no efforts. to bring about a state of 
things which should insure either peaceful submission to 
their will or a sure vantage ground for an appeal to arms. 

So much had been brought to final accomplishment by the 
conspirators during the closing months of Mr. Buchanan's 
administration. Such was the spirit manifested by them to 

157 



158 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

repel conciliation in every form, to maintain peace solely on 
condition of the complete submission of the loyal States to 
every essential demand of secessionism. And such, on the 
other hand, was the amicable disposition of loyal men every- 
where, and their earnest wish to avoid a collision of arms, if 
any other solution were possible short of absolute degrada- 
tion and ruin to the nation. Jefferson Da\'is, in assuming 
power as head of the "Confederacy," at Montgomery, Feb- 
ruary, 18, stated the sole conditions of peace in the follow- 
ing unmistakeable language; 

If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us 
peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most 
earnest desire will have been fulfilled. But if this be de- 
nied us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction 
be assailed, it will but remain for us, with firm resolve, to 
appeal to arms, and invoke the blessing of Providence on a 
just cause. 

This was immediately followed by the recommendation 
that a Confederate army be organized and put in training 
for the emergency; "a well instructed, disciplined army, 
more numerous than would usually be required, on a peace 
establishment," being distinctly indicated as essentials to 
Ins i^lans. 

While it is thus clear that he and all his co-adjutors were 
determined on war from the outset, and at all hazards, unless 
dis-union were recognized as an accomplished fact, and 
the jurisdiction of the Government over the rebellious dis- 
tricts were abandoned without a struggle, it is equally mani- 
fest that not a single grievance complained of could have 
failed of redress, under our popular institutions, by peace- 
able methods. While deluding their adherents with smooth 
words, they deliberately chose an appeal to arms, and 
scorned a peaceable solution, which was equally at their dis- 
posal, under the Constitution and the laws. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 159 

Some acts of vigor and patriotic fidelity, during the clos- 
ing days of Mr. Buchanan's administration, deserve to be 
remembered, to the honor of those cabinet ministers, to 
whom alone the country was indebted for these redeeming 
deeds. Dix, Stanton and Holt had preserved a remainder 
of jjopular respect for a Government that all the loyalty 
of the nation rejoiced to see transferred to the hands of a 
new executive, untried though he was, and terrible as was 
the task devolving upon liim. 

Despite all the threats, constantly rej^eated for months 
past, that Mr. Lincoln should never be permitted to occupy 
the Presidential chair, and desperate as had been the plot- 
tings for his assassination, he appeared at the east front of 
the capitol and received, at the appointed time, the oath 
from Chief Justice Taney. During the period that had 
elapsed since the election, Mr. Lincoln had carefully studied 
the situation, closely watcliing the course of events. His 
inaugural address shows the results of liis observation, 
and of the application of his sterling good sense and com- 
prehensive practical judgment to the mastery of the problem 
to be solved by him, as head of the nation. He clearly under- 
stood how everything depended, so far as his administration 
was concerned, on a true insight into the very heart of the 
question, and on the initiation, at the very outset, of an ap- 
propriate policy in dealing with the rebellion. The great 
insurrection is the uppermost thought — almost the ex- 
clusive theme — of his inaugural address. That this was the 
wisest utterance of the time, manifesting a rare foresight, as 
well as a remarkable skill in briefly presenting the true ques- 
tions at issue, in their proper bearings, with a calm, candid 
appeal to the nation, in all its parts, in behalf of law, order 
and peace, will more and more clearly appear in the light of 
after events. Whoever would acquaint himself with the 
inmost traits of Mr. Lincoln's character, as a public man. 



160 Life of Abraham Lixcoln. 

and at the same time discover, in honest and plain words, a 
statement in advance of the fundamental principles by 
wliich liis administration has been guided, let him carefully 
study this paper, every sentence of which is full of meaning : 

Me. Lincoln's Inaugural Address. 

Fellow-Citizens of the United States: In com- 
pliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I 
appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in 
your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of 
the United States, to be taken by the President before he 
enters on the execution of his office. 

I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to chs- 
cuss those matters of administration about which there is 
no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to 
exist among the people of the Southern States, that, by the 
accession of a Republican Administration their property 
and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. 
There has never been any reasonable cause for such appre- 
hension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary 
has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. 
It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who 
now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those 
speeches when I declare that " I have no purpose, directly 
or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in 
the States where it exists " I believe I ha^'e no lawful 
right to do so , and I have no inclination to do so. Those 
who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowl- 
edge that I had made this, and made many similar declara- 
tions, and had never recanted them. And, more than tliis, 
they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a 
law to themselves, and to me, the clear and emphatic 
resolution which I now read: 




f4 

CO 
O 

w 
w 

H 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 161 

" Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of 
the States, and especially the right of each State to order 
and control its own domestic institutions according to its 
own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of 
power on which the perfection and endurance of our political 
fabric depend; and we denoimce the lawless invasion, by 
armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter 
under what pretext, as amongst the gravest of crimes. " 

I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only 
press upon the pubhc attention the most conclusive evi- 
dence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, 
peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise en- 
dangered by the now incoming administration. 

I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently 
with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be 
cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, 
for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to an 
other. 

There in much controversy about the delivering up of 
fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is 
as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its 
provisions. 

" No person held to service or labor in one State imder the 
laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of 
any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such 
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party to whom such service or labor may be due. " 

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended 
by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugi- 
tive slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. 

All members of the Congress swear their support to the 
whole Constitution — to this provision as well as any other. 
To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come 
within the terms of tliis clause "shall be delivered up." 



162 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the 
effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal 
unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep 
good that unanimous oath? 

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause 
should be enforced by National or by State authority; but 
surely that difference is not a very material one. If the 
slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence 
to liim or to others by which authority it is done; and 
should any one, in any case, be content that tliis oath shall 
go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to 
how it shall be kept? 

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the 
safeguards of liberty known in the civilizetl and humane 
jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, 
in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be 
well at the same time to provide by law for the enforce- 
ment of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees 
that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States?" 

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, 
and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by 
any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to 
specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, 
I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official 
and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those 
acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, 
trusting to find impunity in having them held to be uncon- 
stitutional. 

It is seventy-two j^ears since the first inauguration of a 
President under our National Constitution. During that 
period, fifteen different and very distinguished citizens have 
in succession administered the executive branch of the 
Government. They have conducted it through many perils, 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 163 

and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope 
for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief 
constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar 
difficulties. 

A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only men- ' 
aced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in the 
contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, 
the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is im- 
plied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all na- 
tional governments. It is safe to assert that no government 
proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own 
termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions 
of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure for 
ever, it being impossible to destroy it, except by some 
action not provided for in the instrument itself. 

Again, if the United States be not a government proper, 
but an association of States in the nature of a contract, 
merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less 
than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract 
may violate it — break it, so to speak ; but does it not re- 
quire all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these 
general principles, we find the proposition that in legal con- 
templation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history 
of the Union itself. 

The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was 
formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association, in 1774. It 
was matured and continued in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith 
of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and en- 
gaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of the Con- 
federation, in 1778; and, finally, in 1787, one of the de- 
clared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution 
was to form a more perfect Union. But if the destruction 
of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be law- 



164 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

fully possible, the Union is less than before, the Constitu- 
tion having lost the vital element of perpetuity. 

It follows from these views that no State, upon its own 
mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union; that re- 
solves and ordinances to that effect, are legally void; and 
that acts of violence within any State or States against the 
authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revo- 
lutionary, according to circumstances. 

I therefore consider, that, in view of the Constitution and 
the laws, the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my 
ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly 
enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faith- 
fully executed in all the States. Doing this, which I deem 
to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly per- 
form it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, 
the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in 
some authoritatve manner direct the contrary. 

I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as 
the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitu- 
tionally defend and maintain itself. 

In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, and 
there shall be none unless it is forced upon the National 
authority. 

The power confided to me loill be used to hold, occupy, and 
possess the property mid places belonging to the Government, 
and collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may 
be necessary for those objects there will be no invasion, 
no using of force against or among the people any^\'here. 

Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and 
so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from 
holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to 
force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. 
While the strict legal right may exist of the Government to 
enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 165 

would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, 
that I deem it better to forego, for the time, the use of such 
offices. 

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished 
in all parts of the Union. 

So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that 
sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm 
thought and reflection. 

The course here indicated will be followed, unless current 
events and experiences shall show a modification or change 
to be proper; and in every case and exigency my best dis- 
cretion will be exercised according to the circumstances 
actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceful 
solution of the National troubles and the restoration of 
fraternal sympathies and affections. 

That there are persons, in one section or another, who 
seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of a 
pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there 
be such, I need address no word to them. 

To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not 
speak, before entering upon so grave a matter as the de- 
structon of our National fabric, with all its benefits, its 
memories, and its hopes? Would it not be well to ascertain 
why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while 
any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? 
Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all 
the real ones you fly from? Will you risk the commission of 
so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the 
Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it 
true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitu- 
tion, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human 
mind is so constituted, that no party can reach to the 
audacity of doing this. 

Tliink, if you can, of a single instance in wlaich a plainly 



166 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. 
If, by the mere force of numbers a majority should de- 
prive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, 
it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution; it 
certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such 
is not our case. 

All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so 
plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guar- 
antees and prohibitions in the Constitution, that contro- 
versies never arise concerning them. But no organic law 
can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable 
to every question which may occur in practical adminis- 
tration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of 
reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible 
questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by 
National or by State authorities? The Constitution does 
not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the 
Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. 
From questions of this class, spring all our constitutional 
controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and 
minorities. 

If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, 
the Government must cease. There is no alternative for 
continuing the Government but acquiescence on the one 
side or the other. If a minority in such a case, will secede 
rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in 
turn, will ruin and divide them, for a mino rity of their own 
will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be 
controlled by such a minority. For instance, why not any 
portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbi- 
trarily secede agam, precisely as portions of the present 
Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish dis- 
union sentiments are now being educated to the exact tem- 
per of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



167 



among the States to compose a new Union as to produce 
harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? Plainly, 
the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. 

A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and 
limitation, and always changing easily with deliberate 
changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only 
true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, 
of necessity, fiy to anarchy or despotism. Unanimity is im- 
possible; the rule of a majority, as a permanent arrange- 
ment, is wholly inadmissible. So that, rejecting the ma- 
jority principle, anarchy or despotism, in some form, is all 
that is left. 

I do not forget the position assumed by some that consti- 
tutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, 
nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any 
case upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit 
while they are also entitled to a very high respect and con- 
sideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of 
the Government; and while it is obviously possible that 
such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the 
evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case 
with the chance that it may be overruled and never become 
a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could 
the evils of a different practice. 

At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if 
the policy of the Government upon the vital questions 
affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the 
decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, 
as in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, 
the people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless 
having to that extent practically resigned their Govern- 
ment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. 

Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the 
Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to 



168 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

decide cases properly brought before them; and it is no 
fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to polit- 
ical purposes. One section of our country believes slavery 
is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it 
is wrong and ought not to be extended ; and this is the only 
substantial dispute; and the fugitive slave clause of the 
Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign 
slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law 
can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the 
people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body 
of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, 
and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be 
perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the 
separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave- 
trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately re- 
vived, without restriction, in one section; while fugitive 
slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be sur- 
rendered at all by the other. 

Physically speaking, we cannot separate; we cannot re- 
move our respective sections from each other, nor build an 
impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may 
be cUvorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the 
reach of each other, but the different parts of our cotmtry 
cannot do this. They can not but remain face to face; and 
intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue be- 
tween them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse 
more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation, 
than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends 
can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced 
between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you 
go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after much 
loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting 
the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again 
upon you. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 169 

This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people 
who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the 
existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional 
right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dis- 
member or overthrow it. I can not be ignorant of the fact 
that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of hav- 
ing the National Constitution amended. While I make no 
recommendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full 
authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exer- 
cised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument 
itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor, 
rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being afforded the 
people to act upon it. 

I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode 
seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate 
with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them 
to take or reject propositions originated by others not 
especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be 
precisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. 
I understand that a proposed amendment to the Constitu- 
tion (which amendment, however, I have not seen) has 
passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government 
shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of 
States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid 
misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my pur- 
pose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say 
that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitu- 
tional law, I have no objection to its being made express 
and irrevocable. 

The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the 
people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the 
terms for the separation of the States. The people, them- 
selves, also, can do this if they choose, but the executive, 
as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to ad- 



170 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

minister the present government as it came to his hands 
and to transmit it unimpaired by him to liis successor. 
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ulti- 
mate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal 
hope in the world? In our present differences is either 
party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty 
Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on 
your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth 
and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this 
great tribunal, the American people. By the frame of the 
Government under which we live, this same people have 
wisely given their public servants but little power for mis- 
chief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return 
of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. 
Wliile the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no ad- 
ministration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very 
seriously injure the Government in the short space of four 
years. 

My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon 
this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking 

time. 

If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to 
a step which you would never take deliberately, that object 
will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can 
be frustrated by it. 

Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old 
Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the 
laws of your own framing under it; while the new Ad- 
ministration will have no inmiediate power, if it would, to 
change either. 

If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the 
right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for 
precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, 
and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 171 

favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, 
all our present difficulties. 

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and 
not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Gov- 
ernment will not assail you. 

You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to 
destroy the Government; while I shall have the most 
solemn one to " preserve, protect, and defend it." 

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. 
We must not be enemies. Though passion may have 
strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. 

The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every 
battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and 
hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the 
chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they 
will be, by the better angels of our nature. 

Both to the large assemblage that hstened to the distinct 
recital of this address, in tones which made every word 
audible to the throng, and to loyal men everywhere, as it 
was brought to them a few minutes or hours later, by the 
aid of telegraph and printing press, it was a welcome mes- 
sage. The people saw in it an assurance that imbecility, 
double dealing, or treachery, no longer had sway in the 
nation ; that the new President was determined to carry 
out the behests of the people in maintaining the National 
integrity; and that, while thus faithfully observing his 
official oath, he would use every lawful and rational 
means to avert the convulsions of domestic war. He dis- 
tinctly suggested the holding of a National Constitutional 
Convention, which would have power to adjust all the 
questions properly at issue, even including peaceable sepa- 
ration in a lawful manner, by a change of the organic law. 



172 ■ Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

He demonstrated unanswerably the utter causelessness of 
war, and distinctly assured the conspirators that if hos- 
tiUties were commenced, it must be by them, and not by the 
Government. He laid down a line of policy which, had it 
been met in a corresponding spirit on the other side, would 
inevitably have averted disastrous years of bloodshed and 
all their consequences. While thus announcing his views, 
and reaffirming sentiments formerly uttered by himself, as 
well as those of the political convention which nominated 
him for the Presidency, he also plainly indicated that the 
benefits secured by the Constitution to any portion of 
the people could not be claimed by them while trampling 
that instrimient under foot. He told them plainly that the 
course he thus marked out was not one to be pursued 
toward rebels who should plunge the nation in war. He 
gave them seasonable notice that no immunities could be 
claimed under the assurances given on this or an}' other 
occasion, inconsistent wdth the changed condition of affairs, 
should they madly appeal to, arms. 

The whole address breathes an earnest yearning for an 
honorable peace. It does not, however, Uke the unfortunate 
message of liis predecessor, of the previous December, 
base the desire for peace on a confessed helplessness of the 
Government or an indisposition to exert its power of self- 
preservation. A new political era had begim, and true 
patriots breathed more freely. 

One of the first duties of the President was to purge the 
Government of disloyal or doubtful men in responsible 
places. Long continued Democratic precedent justified a 
general change of civil officers, from highest to lowest, on 
the ground of poUtical differences alone. But after the 
treasonable developments of the previous months and years, 
a thorough sifting of all the departments became indis- 
pensable, from high considerations of duty, on the basis of 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 173 

loyalty and disloyalty, rather than of mere partisanship. 
No practical measures could be adopted before this change 
was at least partially adopted. The magnitude of such 
a work, to which the President gave the most earnest and 
unwearing attention for weeks, need not be indicated. The 
patience with which the "claims" of different candidates 
for place were weighed, and the kindness (tempered often 
with a wholesome firmness) which characterized his de- 
portment toward all, usually retained the confidence and 
esteem of those whom he felt compelled to disappoint. 

It was during the days between his arrival in Washington 
and his inauguration, that the construction of his Cabinet, 
perhaps substantially settled in his own mind before he 
left Illinois, was definitely determined. The position 
occupied by Mr. Seward before the country, was such as to 
leave no hesitation as to the propriety of offering him the 
liighest place of honor under the Executive, as Secretary of 
State. This position was, at an early day, placed at Mr. 
Seward's disposal. The office of Attorney General was, 
with like promptitude, tendered to Judge Bates, of Mis- 
souri, whose leading position as a Southern statesman, with 
anti-slavery tendencies, of the Clay school, had caused his 
name to bo prominently and widely used in connection with 
the Presidency before the nomination for that office, made 
at Chicago. Governor Chase of Ohio, who had recently been 
elected to a second term in the Senate, after four years of 
useful and popular service in the executive chair of his State, 
perhaps quite as early occurred to the mind of Mr. Lincoln 
as a man specially fitted to manage the finances of the 
nation through the troubulous times that were felt to be 
approaching. This difficult post Mr. Chase surrendered his 
seat in the Senate to accept. Mr. Cameron, of Pennsyl- 
vania, selected as Secretary of War ; Mr. AVelles, of Connect- 
icut, as Secretary of the Na\T, antl Mr. Montgomery Blair, 



174 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of Maryland, as Postmaster General, were all leading repre- 
sentatives of the Democratic element of the party which 
had triumphed in the late election. Mr. Caleb B. Smith, of 
Indiana, a contemporary of Mr. Lincoln in Congress, and 
for years one of the most distinguished Whig politicians of 
the West, was tendered the place of Secretary of the In- 
terior, which he accepted. 



CHAPTER XI. 

Mr. Lincoln's First Message. 

The first effect of the fall of Fort Sumter was to silence, 
for the time, all opposition to the President in the Free 
States. One sentiment was uppermost in the minds of all 
loyal people — that of indignation at the authors of the war, 
now inaugurated at Charleston, mingled with the purpose 
of vindicating the National Flag, and of restoring the 
legitimate authority of the Government in all the States. 
Wherever a contrary feeling existed, the strong manifesta- 
tions of popular enthusiasm for the Government caused 
such treachery to be carefully disguised. For once, the 
people of the Free States were a imit in action. The de- 
mand for vigorous preparation to protect the .National 
Capital, and to suppress the insurrection, was universal. 
Simultaneously with this development of loyalty, Mr. Lin- 
coln prepared his proclamation of April 15th, calling on 
the States for their several proportions of an army of sev- 
enty-five thousand men. He also, in the same paper, 
called an extra session of Congress, to commence on the 
4th day of July following. 

The 19th of April is further memorable for the proclama- 
tion issued on that day, declaring a blockade of every port 
of the States in insurrection, in the following terms: 

Whereas, An insurrection against the Government of 
the United States has broken out in the States of South 
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana 
and Texas, and the laws of the United States for the collee- 
ns 



176 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

tion of the revenue cannot be efficiently executed therein, 
conformably to that provision of the Constitution which 
requires duties to be uniform throughout the United 
States : 

And whereas, A combination of persons, engaged in 
such insurrection, have threatened to grant pretended 
letters of marque to authorize the bearers thereof to com- 
init assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good 
citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the 
high seas, and in waters of the United States : 

And whereas, An Executive Proclamation has already 
been issued, requiring the persons engaged in these disor- 
derly proceedings to desist therefrom, calling out a militia 
force for the purpose of repressing the same, and convening 
Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and de- 
termine thereon: 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the 
United States, with a view to the same purposes before 
mentioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and 
the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pur- 
suing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have 
assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, 
or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed it 
advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the 
States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United 
States, and of the laws of nations in such cases provided. 
For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to 
prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports afore- 
said. If, therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, a 
vessel shall approach, or shall attempt to leave any of the 
said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of 
one of the blockading vessels, who will endorse on her 
register the fact and date of such warning; and if the same 
vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 177 

port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient 
port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo as 
prize as may be deemed advisable. 

And I hereby proclaim and declare, that if any person, 
under the pretended authority of said States, or under any 
other pretense, shall molest a vessel of the United States 
or the persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be 
held amenable to the laws of the United States for the pre- 
vention and punishment of piracy. 

By the President: Abraham Lincoln. 

William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

Washington, April 19, 1861. 

Intelligence having been received that Virginia troops 
were marching on Harper's Ferry, to take possession of the 
important Government property there, the public works 
were destroyed and the place evacuated by Lieutenant 
Jones, the commandant. Almost simultaneously the Fourth 
Massachusetts Regiment, dispatched by wise forethought, 
arrived at Fortress Monroe (soon after reinforced by the 
First Vermont, under Colonel Phelps), and secured a per- 
manent occupation of that strong position in the Old Do- 
minion, which had now become (without waiting for the 
consummation of the farce of a popular vote under duress) 
the eighth State of the Rebel Confederacy. 

During this brief period — at the close of a week of unpre- 
cedented excitement at Washington and of loyal enthusiasm 
throughout the country — earnest appeals were made to the 
President by prominent Marylanders to stop all attempts to 
transport troops through that State to the National Capital. 
His prompt reply set all such petitions at rest. The usual 
thoroughfares, meanwliile, had been obstructed. Treason 
hoped the work was already accomplished, and relief cut 
off. Timorous or hesitating men feared that the effort 



178 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

would be useless. But the purpose of Mr. Lincoln was not 
for an instant shaken. The route by Annapolis was opened 
by General Butler and his Massachusetts force, and on the 
25th of April troops from the North began to pour into 
Washington, relieving all immediate anxiety. The people 
had nobly responded. The "great uprising" was an as- 
sured event. 

Congress convened on the 4th of July, in accordance with 
the President's call in his proclamation of April 15th, and 
organized by the election of Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, as 
Speaker. Little decisive action had been taken prior to 
the date to which military events have been traced Ln the 
preceding chapter. The President's Message to Congress, 
at the opening of this extra session, contains a concise state- 
ment of the situation of afTairs at that time, four months 
having passed since the delivery of his Inaugural Address, 
and presents his views as to what was required to be done 
for the maintenance of the Constitutional Government. 
With a view of the circumstances under which hostilities 
were commenced, and with a conclusive exposure of the 
false pretenses of Secessionism, it also clearly sets forth the 
acts, motives and purposes of the President. This docu- 
ment is here given at length : 

Mr. Lincoln's First Message. 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives: Having been convened on an extraordinary 
occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention 
is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the 
beginning of the present Presidential term, four months 
ago, the functions of the Federal Government were found 
to be generally suspended within the several States of 
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 179 

and Florida, excepting only those of the Post Office De- 
partment. 

Within these States all the Forts, Arsenals, Dock- Yards, 
Custom-Houses, and the like, including the movable and 
stationary property in and about them, had been seized 
and were held in open hostility to this Government, ex- 
cepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor and Jefferson, on and 
near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter in Charleston 
harbor. South Carolina. The forts thus seized, had been 
put in improved condition, new ones had been built, and 
armed forces had been organized, and were organizing, all 
avowedlj' with the same hostile purpose. 

The forts remaining in possession of the Federal Govern- 
ment in and near these States were either besieged or men- 
aced by warlike preparations, and especially Fort Sumter 
was nearly surrounded by well protected hostile batteries, 
with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and out- 
numbering the latter as, perhaps, ten to one — a dispropor- 
tionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had some- 
how found their way into these States, and had been seized 
to be used against the Government. 

Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them 
had been seized for the same object. The navy was scat- 
tered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it 
within the immediate reach of the Government. 

Officers of the Federal army had resigned in great num- 
bers, and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up 
arms against the Government. 

Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the pur- 
pose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. Li 
accordance with this purpose an ordinance had been adopted 
in each of these States, declaring the States respectively 
to be separated from the National Union. A formula for 
instituting a combined Government of those States hatl 



180 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

been promulgated, and this illegal organization, in the 
character of the " Confederate States, " was already invoking 
recognition, aid and intervention from foreign powers. 

Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an 
imperative duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, 
if possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy 
the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became 
indispensable. Tliis choice was made and was declared 
in the Inaugural Address. 

The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peace- 
ful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It 
sought only to hold the public places and property not 
already wrested from the Government, and to collect the 
revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion and the 
ballot-box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at Gov- 
ernment expense, to the very people who were resisting the 
Government, and it gave repeated pledges against any dis- 
turbances to any of the people, or any of their rights, of all 
that which a President might constitutionally and justi- 
fiably do in such a case ; everything was forborne, without 
which it was believed possible to keep the Government on 
foot. 

On the 5th of March, the present incumbent's first full 
day in office, a letter from Major Anderson, commanding at 
Fort Sumter, written on the 2Sth of Felaruary, and re- 
ceived at the War Department on the 4th of March, was 
by that Department placed in his hands. Tliis letter ex- 
pressed the professional opinion of the writer, that rein- 
forcements could not be thro\vn into that fort witliin the 
time for its relief rendered necessary by the limited supply 
of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the 
same, with a force less than 20,000 good and well-disci- 
plined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the 
officers of his command, and their memoranda on the sub- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 181 

ject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The 
whole was immediately laid before Lieutenant General Scott, 
who at once concurred with Major Anderson in liis opinion. 
On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with 
other officers, both of the Army and 'Nnvy, and at the end 
of four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same con- 
cluions as before. He also stated at the same time that no 
such sufficient force was then at the control of the Gov- 
ernment, or could be raised and brought to the ground, 
within the time when the provisions in the fort would be 
exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced 
the duty of the Administration in the case to the mere 
matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort. 

It was believed, however, that to so abandon that posi- 
tion, under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; 
that the necessity under which it was to be done would not 
be fully understood ; that by many it would be construed 
as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would dis- 
courage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, 
and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad , that 
in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. 
This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon 
the garrison, and ere it would bo reached. Fort Pickens 
might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication 
of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the 
evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An 
order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the 
troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. 
This order could not go by land, but must take the longer 
and slower route by sea. The first return news from the 
order was received just one week before the fall of Sumter. 
The news itself was that the officer commanding the Sabine, 
to wluch vessel the troops had been transferred from the 
Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late 



182 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Administration, and of the existence of which the present 
Administration, up to the time the order was dispatched, had 
only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention, had 
refused to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens 
before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter was im- 
possible, rendered so by the near exhaustion of pro\'isions 
at the latter named fort. In precaution against such a 
conjuncture the Government had a few days before com- 
menced preparing an expedition, as well adapted as might 
be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended 
to be ultimately used or not, according to circumstances. 
The strongest anticipated case for using it was now pre- 
sented, and it was resolved to send it forward as had been 
intended. In this contingency it was also resolved to 
notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might ex- 
pect an attempt would be made to provision the fort, and 
that if the attempt should not be resisted there would be 
no attempt to throw in men, arms or ammunition, without 
further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This 
notice was accordingly given, whereupon the fort was at- 
tacked and bombarded to its fall, M'ithout even awaiting 
the arrival of the provisioning expedition. 

It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort 
Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-defense on the 
part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in 
the fort could by no possibility commit aggression upon 
them ; they knew they were expressly notified that the giv- 
ing of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the gar- 
rison was all which would, on that occasion, be attempted, 
unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke 
more. They knew that this Government desired to keep 
the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to 
maintain \asible possession, and thus to preserve the Union 
from actual and immediate dissolution ; trusting, as here- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 183 

inbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box for 
final adjustment, and they assailed and reduced the fort, 
for precisely the reverse object, to drive out the visible 
authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to imme- 
diate dissolution; that this was their object the Executive 
well understood, having said to them in the Inaugural 
Address, "you can have no conflict without being your- 
selves the aggressors." He took pains not only to keep 
this declaration good, but also to keep the case so far from 
ingenious sophistry as that the world should not misunder- 
stand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surround- 
ing circumstances, that point was reached. Then and 
thereby the assailants of the Government began the con- 
flict of arms — without a gun in sight, or in expectancy, to 
return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that 
harbor years before, for their own protection, and still 
ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In 
this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the 
country the distinct issue, immediate dissolution or blood, 
and this issue embraces more than the fate of these United 
States. It presents to the whole family of man the ques- 
tion whether a Constitutional Republic or Democracy, a 
Government of the people, by the same people, can or can 
not maintain its territorial integrity against its own do- 
mestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented 
individuals, too few in numbers to control the Adminis- 
tration according to the organic law in any case, can always, 
upon the pretenses made in this case, or any other pre- 
tenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their 
Government, and thus practically put an end to free gov- 
ernment upon the earth. It forces us to ask, "Is there in 
all republics this inherent and fatal weakness?" Must a 
government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of 
its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? 



184 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the 
war power of the Government, and so to resist the force 
employed for its destruction by force for its preservation. 
The call was made, and the response of the coimtry was 
most gratifying, surpassing, in unanimity and spirit the 
most sanguine expectation. Yet none of the States, com- 
monly called Slave States, except Delaware, gave a regi- 
ment through the regular State organization. A few 
regiments have been organized within some others of those 
States by individual enterprise, and received into the 
Government service. Of course the seceded States, so 
called, and to which Texas had been joined about the time 
of the inauguration, gave no troops to the cause of the 
Union. The Border States, so-called, were not uniform in 
their action, some of them being almost for the Union, 
while in others, as in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, 
and Arkansas, the L^nion sentiment was nearly suppressed 
and silenced. The course taken in \'irginia was the most 
remarkable, perhaps the most important. A Convention 
elected by the people of that State, to consider this very 
question of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at 
the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. 

To this body the people had chosen a large majority of 
professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall 
of Sumter many members of that majority went over to 
the original disunion minority, and with them adopted an 
ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. 
Whether this change was wrought by their great approval 
of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at 
the Government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely 
known. Although they submitted the ordinance for ratifi- 
cation to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then 
somewhat more than a month distant, the Convention and 
the Legislature, which was also in session at the same time 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 185 

and place, with leading men of the State, not members of 
either, immediately commenced acting as if the State was 
already out of the Union. They pushed military prepara- 
tions vigorously forward all over the State. They seized 
the United States Armory at Harper's Ferry, and the Navy 
Yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received, perhaps 
invited into their State, large bodies of troops, wdth their 
warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded States. 

They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alli- 
ance with the so-called Confederate States, and sent num- 
bers to their Congress at Montgomery, and finally they per- 
mitted the insurrectionary Government to be transferred 
to their capitol at Richmond. The people of Virginia have 
thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its nest within 
her borders, and tliis Government has no choice left but to 
deal with it where it finds it, and it has the less to regret as 
the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. 
Those loyal citizens tliis Government is bound to recognize 
and protect as being in Virginia. In the Border States, so- 
called, in fact the Middle States, there are those who favor 
a policy which they call armed neutrality, that is, an arm- 
ing of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one 
way or the disunion forces the other over their soil. This 
would be disunion completed. Figuratively speaking it 
would be the building of an impassable wall along the line 
of separation, and yet not quite an impassable one, for 
under the guise of neutrality it would tie the hands of the 
Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to 
the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open 
enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble off the 
hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the 
external blockade. It would do for the disunionists that 
which of all things they most desire, feed them well and give 
them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recog- 



18G Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

nizes no fidelity to tlie Constitution, no obligation to main- 
tain the Union, and while the many who have favored it are 
doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious 
in effect. 

Recurring to the action of the Government it may be 
stated that at first a call was made for 75,000 militia, and 
rapidly following this a proclamation was issued for closing 
the ports of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in 
the nature of blockade. So far all was believed to be 
strictly legal. 

At this point the insurrectionists announced their pur- 
pose to enter upon the practice of privateering. 

Other calls were made for volunteers, to serve three years 
unless sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the 
regular army and navy. These measures, whether strictly 
legal or not, were ventured upon under what appeared to be 
a popular demand and a public necessity, trusting then. 
as now, that Congress would ratify them. 

It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the 
constitutional competency of Congress. Soon after the 
first call for militia it was considered a duty to authorize the 
commanding general, in proper cases, according to his dis- 
cretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus; 
or, in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the 
ordinary processes and forms of la^v, such indi\'iduals as he 
might deem dangerous to the public safety. This author- 
ity has purposely been exercised, but very sparingly. 
Nevertheless the legality and propriety of what has been 
done under it are questioned, and the attention of the 
country has been called to the proposition that one who is 
sworn to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, 
should not himself violate them. Of course some consider- 
ation was given to the questions of power and propriety 
before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 187 

which were required to be faithfully executed were being 
resisted, and failing of execution in noarl.y one-third of the 
States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, 
even had it been perfectly clear that, by use of the means 
necessary to their execution, some single law, made in such 
extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that practically 
it relieves more of the guilty than the innocent, should, to a 
very great extent, be violated? To state the question 
more directly, are all the laws but one to go unexecuted, 
and the Government itself to go to pieces lest that one be 
violated? Even in such a case would not the official oath 
be broken if the Government should be overthrown when 
it was believed that disregarding the single law would tend 
to preserve it. 

But it was not believed that this (luestion was presented. 
It was not believed that any law was violated. The pro- 
vision of the Constitution, that the privilege of the writ of 
habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases 
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it, is 
equivalent to a provision that such privilege may be sus- 
pended when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public 
safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of 
rebellion, and that the public safety does require the quali- 
fied suspension of the privilege of the writ, which was 
authorzied to be made. Now, it is insisted that Congress 
and not the Executive, is vested with this power. But 
the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to 
exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made 
for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed that the 
framers of the instrument intended that in every case the 
danger should run its course until Congress could be called 
together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, 
as was intended in this case by the rebellion. No more 
extended argument is now afforded, as an opinion at some 



188 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

length will probably be presented by the Attorney-General. 
Whether there shall be any legislation on the subject, and 
if so, what, is submitted entirely to the better judgment of 
Congress. The forbearance of this Government had been so 
extraordinary, and so long continued, as to lead some foreign 
nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early 
destruction of our National Union was probable. 'While 
this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he is 
now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the 
United States are now ever3^here practically respected by 
foreign powers, and a general sympathy with the country is 
manifested throughout the world. 

The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and 
the Navy, will give the information, in detail, deemed nec- 
essary and convenient for your deliberation and action, 
while the Executive and all the Departments vnW stand 
ready to supply omissions or to communicate new facts 
considered important for you to know. 

It is now recommended that you give the legal means for 
making this contest a short and decisive one; that you 
place at the control of the government for the work at least 
400,000 men and $400,000,000; that number of men is 
about one-tenth of those of proper ages within the regions 
where apparently all are \\'illing to engage, and the sum is 
less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by 
the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of 
$600,000,000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt 
of our Revolution when we came out of that struggle, and 
the money value in the country bears even a greater pro- 
portion to what it was then than does the population. 
Surely each man has as strong a motive now to preserve 
our liberties as each had then to establish them. 

A right result at this time will be worth more to the 
world than ten times the men and ten times the money. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 189 

The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt 
that the material for the work is abundant, and that it 
needs only the hands of legislation t6 give it legal sanction, 
and the Jiand of the Executive to give it practical shape and 
efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the Govern- 
ment is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide 
for them; in a word the people will save their Government 
if the Government will do its part only indifferently well. 
It might seem at first thought to be of little difference 
whether the present movement at the South be called 
secession or rebellion. The movers, however, well under- 
stand the difference. At the beginning they knew that 
they could never raise their treason to any respectable 
magnitude by any name wliich implies violation of law; 
they knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, 
as much of devotion to law and order, and as much pride in 
its reverence for the history and government of their com- 
mon coimtry, as any other civilized and patriotic people. 
They knew they could make no advancement directly in 
the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accord- 
ingly they commenced by an insidious debauching of the 
public mind; they invented an ingenious sophism, which, 
if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps through 
all the incidents of the complete destruction of the Union. 
The sophism itself is that any State of the Union may, 
consistently with the nation's constitution, and therefore 
lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the Union without 
the consent of the Union or of any other State. 

The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exer- 
cised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judge of 
its justice, is too thin to merit any notice with rebellion. 
Thus sugar-coated, they have been drugging the public 
mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until 
at length they have brought many good men to a willing- 



190 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

ness to take up arms against the Government the day after 
some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical pre- 
tense of taking their State out of the Union, who could 
ha\'e been brought to no such thing the day before. This 
sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of its currency, 
from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and 
sacred supremacy pertaining to a State, to each State of 
our Federal Union. Our States have neither more nor less 
power than that preserved to them in the Union by the 
Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State out 
of the Union. The original ones passed into the L^nion 
before they east off their British Colonial dependence, and 
the new ones came into the Union directly from a condi- 
tion of dependence, excepting Texas, and even Texas, in 
its temporary independence, was noA'er designated as a 
State. The new ones only took the designation of States 
on coming into the Union, while that name was first adopted 
for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence. 
Therein the United Colonies were declared to be jree and 
independent States. But even then the object plainly was 
not to declare their independence of one another of the 
Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge 
and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterward, 
abundantly show. The express plight of faith by each and 
all of the original thirteen States in the Articles of Con- 
federation two years later that the Union shall be per- 
petual, is most conclusive. Having never been States 
either in substance or in name outside of the Union, whence 
this magical omnipotence of State rights, asserting a claim 
of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself. Much is 
said about the sovereignty of the States, but the word even 
is not in the National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in 
any of the State constitutions. What is sovereignty in the 
pohtical sense of the word? Would it be far wrong to de- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 191 

fine it a political community without a political superior? 
Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, ever was 
a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character 
on coming into the Union; by which act, she acknowledged 
the Constitution of the United States, and the laws and 
treaties of the United States, made in pursuance of the Con- 
stitution, to be, for her, the supreme law of the land. The 
States have their status in the Union, and they have n > 
other legal status. If they break from this they can only 
do so against law and by revolution. The Union and not 
themselves separately procured their independence and 
their liberty by conquest or purchase. The Union gave 
each of them whatever of independence and liberty it has. 
The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it 
created them as States. Originally, some dependent 
colonies made the Union, and in turn the Union threw off 
their old dependence for them and made them States, such 
as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitu- 
tion independent of the Union. Of course it is not forgotten 
that all tl:e new States formed their constitutions before 
they entered the Union; nevertheless, dependent upon, 
and preparatory to coming into the Union. Unquestionably 
the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in 
and by the National Constitution. 

But among these surely are not included all conceivable 
powers, however mischievous or destructive, but at most 
such only as were known in the world at the time as gov- 
ernmental powers, and certainly a power to destroy the 
Government itself had never been known as governmental, 
as a merely administrative power. This relative matter of 
national power and State rights as a principle, is no other 
than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever 
concerns the whole should be conferred to the whole general 
Government, while whatever concerns only the State 



192 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is 
of original principle about it. Whether the National Con- 
stitution, in defining boundaries between the two, has ap- 
plied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be ques- 
tioned. We are all bound by that defining without ques- 
tion. What is now combated is the position that seces- 
sion is consistent with the Constitution, is lawful and peace- 
ful. It is not contended that there is any express law for 
it, and notliing should ever be implied as law which leads 
to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased 
with money the countries out of which several of these 
States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off with- 
out leave and without refunding? The nation paid very 
large sums in the aggregate, I believe nearly a hundred 
niilUons, to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it 
just that she shall now be off without consent, or without 
any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied 
to the benefit of these so-called seceding States, in common 
with the rest. Is it just, either that creditors shall go 
unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of 
the present National debt was contracted to pay the old 
debt of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no 
part of this herself? Again, if one State may secede, so 
may another, and when all shall have seceded none is left 
to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did we 
notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed 
their money? If we now recognize tliis doctrine by allow- 
ing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what 
we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon 
which they will promise to remain. The seceders insist 
that our Constitution admits of secession. They have 
assumed to make a National Constitution of their o-wn, in 
which, of necessity, they have either discarded or retained 
the right of secession, as they insist exists in ours. If they 




^/- 4 




u 



S'm/i 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 193 

have discarded it, they thereby admit that on principle it 
ought not to exist in ours ; if they have retained it, by tlieir 
own construction of ours that shows that to be consistent, 
they must secede from one another whenever they shall 
find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting 
any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is 
one of disintegration, and upon which no Government can 
possibly endure. If all the States save one should assert 
the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is pre- 
sumed the whole class of seceder politicians would at once 
deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest out- 
rage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the 
same act, instead of being called driving the one out, should 
be called the seceding of the others from the one, it would 
be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, 
they made the point that the one, because it is a minority, 
may rightfully do what the others, because they are a 
majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are 
subtle, and profound in the rights of minorities. They are 
not partial to that power wliich made the Constitution, 
and speaks from the preamble, calling itself, "We, the 
people." It may be well questioned whether there is to- 
day a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, 
except, perhajjs, South Carolina in favor of disunion. 
There is much reason to believe that the Union men are the 
majority in many, if not in every one of the so-called 
seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated 
in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm this, even of 
Virginia and Tennessee, for the result of an election held in 
military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of 
the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as de- 
monstrating popular sentiment. At such an election all 
that large class who are at once for the Union and against 
coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. It 



194 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free insti- 
tutions we enjoy have developed the powers and improved 
the condition of our whole people beyond any example in 
the world. Of this we now have a striking and impressive 
illustration. So large an army as the Government has now 
on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but 
who has taken his place there of his own free choice. But 
more than this, there are many single regiments whose 
members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge 
of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, 
whether useful or elegant, is known in the whole world, and 
there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected 
a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, 
abundantly competent to administer the Government 
itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our 
late friends, now adversaries, in this contest. But it is so 
much, better the reason why the Government which has 
conferred such benefits upon both them and us should not 
be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to aban- 
don such a Government, would do well to consider in 
deference to what principle it is that he does it. What 
better he is likely to get in its stead, whether the substitute 
will give, or be intended to give so much of good to the 
people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject. 
Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of inde- 
pendence in which, unlike our good old one penned by 
Jefferson, they omit the words, " all men are created equal. " 
Why? They have adopted a temporary National Consti- 
tution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one 
signed by Washington, they omit "we the people," and 
substitute "We, the deputies of the sovereign and inde- 
pendent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing 
out of view the rights of men and the authority of the 
people? This is essentially a people's contest. On the 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 195 

side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the 
world that form and substance of Government whose lead- 
ing object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift artificial 
weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable 
pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair 
chance in the race of life, yielding to partial and temporary- 
departures from necessity. This is the leading object of 
the Government, for whose existence we contend. 

I am most happy to believe that the plain people under- 
stand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while 
in tliis, the Government's hour of trial, large numbers of 
those in the army and navy who have been favored with 
the officers, have resigned and proved false to the hand 
which pampered them, not one common sailor or common 
sailor is known to have deserted his flag. Great honor is 
due to those officers who remained true despite the ex- 
amples of their treacherous associates, but the greatest 
honor and the most important fact of all, is the unanimous 
firnmess of the common soldiers and the common sailors. 
To the last man, so far as known, they have successfully 
resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands 
but an hour before they obeyed as absolute law. This is 
the patriotic instinct of plain people. They understand 
without an argument that the destroying the Government 
which was made by Washington means no good to them. 
Our popular Government has often been called an experi- 
ment. Two points in it our people have settled: the suc- 
cessful establishing and the successful administering of it. 
One still remains. Its successful maintenance against a 
formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now 
for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can 
fairly carry an election, can also suppress a rebellion ; that 
ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets, 
and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally de- 



196 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

cifled, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; 
that tliere can be no successful appeal except to ballots 
themselves at succeeding elections. Such will be a great 
lesson of peace, teaching men that what they can not take 
by an election, neither can they take by a war, teaching all 
the folly of being the beginners of a war. 

Lest there be some uneasiness in the mind of candid men 
as to what is to be the course of the Government toward the 
Southern States after the rebellion shall have been sup- 
pressed, the Executive deems it proper to say it will be his 
purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and 
the laws, and that he probably will have no different under- 
standing of the powers and duties of the Federal Govermnent 
relatively to the rights of the States and the people under the 
Constitution than that expressed in the Inaugural Address. 
He desires to preserve the Government that it may be ad- 
ministered for all, as it was administered by the men who 
made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have a right to claim 
this of their Government, and the Government has no 
right to withhold or neglect it. It is not percei ved that in 
giving it there is any coercion, conquest or subjugation in 
any sense of these terms. 

The Constitution provided, and all the States have ac- 
cepted the provision, "that the United States shall guar- 
antee to every State in this Union a Republican form of gov- 
ernment, " but if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, 
having done so, it may also discard the Republican form of 
Government. So that to prevent its going out is an indis- 
pensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee 
mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the 
indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory. 

It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found 
the duty of employing the war power. In defense of the 
Government forced upon liim, he could but perform this 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 197 

duty or surrender the existence of the Government. No 
compromise b}' public servants could in this case be a cure, 
not that compromises are not often proper, but that no 
popular government can long survive a marked precedent, 
that those who carry an election can only save the Govern- 
ment from immediate destruction by giving up the main 
point upon which the people gave the election. The people 
themselves and not their servants can safely reverse their 
own deliberate decisions. 

As a private citizen the Executive could not have con- 
sented that these institutions shall perish, much less could 
he, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free 
people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral 
right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own 
life in what might follow. 

In full view of his great responsibility, he has so far tlone 
what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to 
your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes 
that your views and your actions may so accord with his as 
to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in 
their rights, of a certain and speedy restoration to them 
under the Constitution and laws, and having thus chosen 
our cause without guile, and with pure purpose, let us re- 
new our trust in God, and go forward without fear and 
with manly hearts. 

July 4, 186L Abraham Lincoln. 



CHAPTER XII. 
Messages and Addresses of Mr. Lincoln. 

The President, fully sensible of the besetting dangers, 
and mindful of the situation of affairs in these and other 
respects, submitted to Congress the following views, in a 
message which was received with great popular favor; 

Fellow-Citizens op the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives: In the midst of unprecedented political 
troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to God for un- 
usual good health and most abundant harvests. 

You will not be surprised to learn that, in the particular 
exigencies of the times, our intercourse with foreign nations 
has been attended with profound solicitude, chiefly turning 
upon our own domestic affairs. 

A disloyal portion of the American people have, during 
the whole year, been engaged in an attempt to divide and 
destroy the Union. A nation which endures factious do- 
mestic division, is exposed to disrespect abroad; and one 
party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign 
intervention. 

Nations thus tempted to interfere, are not always able 
to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous 
ambition, although measures adopted under such influences 
seldom fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those adopt- 
ing them. 

The disloyal citizens of the United States who have 
offered the ruin of our country, in return for the aid 
and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have re- 

199 



200 Life of Abrail^m Lincoln. 

ceived less patronage and encouragement than they prob- 
ably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents 
have seemed to assume, that foreign nations, in this case, 
discarding all moral, social and treaty obligations, would 
act solely, and selfishly, for the most speedy restoration of 
commerce, including, especially, the acquisitions of cotton, 
those nations appear, as yet, not to have seen their way to 
their object, more directly, or clearly, through the destruc- 
tion than through the preservation of the Union. If we 
could dare to believe that foreign nations are actuated by 
no higher principle than this, I am sure quite a sound argu- 
ment could be made to show them that they can reach their 
aim more readih'^ and easily by aiding to crush this rebel- 
lion than bj' giving encouragement to it. 

The princi])al lever relied on by the insurgents for excit- 
ing foreign nations to hostility against us, as already inti- 
mated, is the embarrassment of commerce. Those nations 
however, not improbably, saw from the first, that it was 
the Union which made, as well our foreign as our domestic 
commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that 
the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty; and 
that one strong nation promises more durable peace, and a 
more extensive, valuable and reliable commerce, than can 
the same nation broken into hostile fragments. 

It is not my purpose to review our discussions with for- 
eign States ; because whatever might be their wishes or dis- 
positions, the integrity of our country and the stabiUty of 
our Government mainly depend, not upon them, but on the 
loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelhgence of the American 
people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reserva- 
tions, is herewith submitted. 

I venture to hope that it will apjjear that we have prac- 
ticed prudence and liberality toward foreign powers, 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 201 

averting causes of irritation, and with firmness maintaining 
our own rights and honor. 

Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other 
State, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic diffi- 
culties, I recommend that adequate and ample measures 
be adopted for maintaining the pubUc defenses on every 
side. While, under tliis general recommendation, pro- 
vision for defending our sea coast line readily occurs to the 
mind, I also, in the same connection, ask the attention of 
Congress to our great lakes and [rivers. It is believed 
that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, 
with harbor and navigation improvements, all at well 
selected points upon these, would be of great importance to 
the National defense and preservation. I ask attention to 
the views of the Secretary of War, expressed in his report, 
upon the same general subject. 

I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of East 
Tennessee and Western North Carolina should be connected 
with Kentucky, and other faithful parts of the Union, by 
railroad. I therefore recommend, as a military measure, 
that Congress provide for the construction of such road as 
speedily as possible. Kentucky, no doubt, will co-operate, 
and, through her Legislature, make the most judicious 
selection of a line. The northern terminus must connect 
with some existing railroad ; and whether the route shall be 
from Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or 
from Lebanon to the Tennessee line, in the direction of 
Knoxville, or on some still different line, can easily be de- 
termined. Kentucky and the General Government co- 
operating, the work can be completed ii'i a very short time ; 
and when done, it will be not only of vast present usefulness, 
but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its cost 
in all the future. 

Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of com- 



202 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

merce, and having no grave political importance, have been 
negotiated, and will be submitted to the Senate for their 
consideration. 

Although we have failed to induce some of the com- 
mercial powers to adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor 
of maritime war, we have removed all obstructions from 
the way of this humane reform, except such as are merely 
of temporary and accidental occurrence. 

I invite your attention to the correspondence between 
Her Britanic Majesty's Minister, accredited to this Govern- 
ment, and the Secretary of State, relative to the detention 
of the British ship Perthshire, in June last, by the United 
States steamer Massachusetts, for a supposed breach of the 
blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an ob\dous 
misapprehension of the facts, and as justice requires that 
we should commit no belligerent act not founded in strict 
right, as sanctioned by public law, I recommended that an 
appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable demand of 
the owners of the vessel for her detention. 

I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor, in his 
annual message to Congress in December last, in regard to 
the disposition of the surplus wliich will probably remain 
after satisfying the claims of the American citizens against 
China, pursuant to the awards of the Commissioners under 
the act of the 3rd of March, 1859. If, however, it should 
not be deemed ailvisable to carry that recommendation 
into effect, I would suggest that authority be given for 
investing the principal, over the proceeds of the surplus 
referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfac- 
tion of such other just claims of our citizens against Chma 
as are not unUkely to arise hereafter in the course of our 
extensive trade with that empire. 

By the act of the 5th of August last, Congress authorized 
the President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 203 

to defend tlieniselves against and to capture pirates. This 
authority has been exercised in a single instance only. For 
the more effectual protection of our extensive and valuable 
commerce, in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me 
that it would also be advisable to authorize the command- 
ers of sailing vessels to re-capture any prizes which pirates 
may make of United States vessels and their cargoes, and 
the consular courts, now established by law in Eastern 
countries, to adjudicate the cases, in the event that this 
should not be objected to by the local authorities. 

If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer 
in withholding our recognition of the independence and 
sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. 
Unwilling, however, to inaugurate a novel policy in regards 
to them without the approbation of Congress, I submit for 
your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for 
maintaining a charge d'affaires near each of those new 
States. It does not admit of doubt that important com- 
mercial advantages might be secured by favorable treaties 
with them. 

The operations of the treasury during the period which 
has elapsed since your adjournment have been conducted 
with signal success. The patriotism of the people has 
placed at the disposal of the Government the large means 
demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the National 
loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, 
whose confidence in their country's faith and zeal for 
their country's deliverance from present peril, have in- 
duced them to contribute to the support of the Govern- 
ment, the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact 
imposes peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement 
and energy in action. 

The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the 
financial year ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was eighty- 



204 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

six million eight hundred and thirty-five thousand nine 
hundred dollars and twenty-seven cents, and the expendi- 
tures for the same period, including payments on account of 
the public debt, were eighty-four million five hundred and 
seventy-eight thousand eight hundred and thirty-four 
dollars and forty-seven cents; leaving a balance in the 
treasury on the 1st of July of two million two hundred and 
fifty-seven thousand sixty-five dollars and eighty cents. 
For the first quarter of the financial year, ending on the 
30th of September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, in- 
cluding the balance of the 1st of July, were one hundred 
and two million five hundred and thirty-two thousand five 
hundred and nine dollars and twenty-seven cents, and the 
expenses ninety-eight million two hundred and thirty-nine 
thousand seven hundred and thirty-three dollars and nine 
cents; leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of four 
million two hundred and ninety-two thousand seven hun- 
dred and seventy-six dollars and eighteen cents. 

Estimates for the remaining three quarters of the year, 
and for the financial year 1863, together with his views of 
ways and means for meeting the demands contemplated by 
them, will be submitted to Congress by the Secretary of the 
Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures 
made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the re- 
sources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same 
patriotism which has thus far sustained the Government 
will continue to sustain it till peace and Union again shall 
bless the land. 

I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War 
for information respecting the numerical strength of the 
Army, and for recommendations having in view an increase 
of its efSciency and the well being of the various branches 
of the service intrusted to his care. It is gratifying to 
know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 205 

the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered 
greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to 
call into the field. 

I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which 
make allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already 
attained by our troops, and to the excellent sanitary con- 
dition of the entire army. 

The recommendation of the Secretary for an organiza- 
tion of the militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital 
importance to the future safety of the country, and is com- 
mended to the serious attention of Congress. 

The large addition to the regular army, in connection 
with the defection that has so considerably diminished the 
number of its officers, gives peculiar importance to his 
recommendation for increasing the corps of cadets to the 
greatest capacit}' of the Military Academy. 

By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to pro- 
vide chaplains for hospitals occupied by volunteers. This 
subject was brought to my notice, and I was induced to 
draw up the form of a letter, one copy of which, properly 
afldressed, has been delivered to each of the persons, and at 
the dates respectively named and stated, in a schedule, 
containing also the form of the letter, marked A, and here- 
with transmitted. 

These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties 
designated, at the times respectively stated in the scheduled 
and have labored faithfully therein ever since. I therefore 
recommend that they be compensated at the same rate as 
chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general pro- 
vision be made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well 
as with regiments. 

The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in 
detail the operations of that branch of the service, the 
activity and energy which have characterized its adminis- 



206 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

tration, and the results of measures to increase its efficiency 
and power. Such have been the additions, by constniction 
and purchase, that it may ahnost be said a navy has bee n 
created and brought into service since our difficulties com- 
menced. 

Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger 
than ever before assembled under our flag have been put 
afloat, and performed deeds which have increased our naval 
renown. 

I would invite special attention to the recommendation 
of the Secretary for a mort perfect organization of the Navy 
by introducing additional grades in the service. 

The present organization is defective and unsatisfact ory 
and the suggestions submitted by the Department vnW, it is 
beUeved, if adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to, pro- 
mote harmony, and increase the efficiency of the navy. 

There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme 
Court — two by the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean, 
and one by the resignation of Justice Campbell. I have so 
far forborne making nominations to fill these vacancies for 
reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing 
judges resided ^v•ithin the States now overrun by revolt; so 
that if successors were appointed in the same localities, 
they could not now serve upon their circuits; and many of 
the most competent men there probably would not take the 
personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the 
Supreme Bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the 
appointments northward, thus disabling myself from doing 
justice to the South on the return of peace; although 
I may remark that to transfer to the North one which has 
heretofore been in the South would not, with reference to 
to territory and population, be unjust. 

During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge 
McLean his circuit grew into an empire — altogether too 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



207 



large for any one judge to give the courts therein more than 
a nominal attendance — rising in population from one mil- 
lion four hundred and seventy thousand and eighteen, in 
1830, to six million one hundred and fifty-one thousand 
four hundred and five in 1860. 

Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our 
present judicial system. If uniformity was at all intended, 
the system requires that all the States shall be accommo- 
dated with circuit courts, attended by supreme judges, 
while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, 
Florida, Texas, California and Oregon, have never had any 
such courts. Nor can this well be remedied without a 
change in the system; because the adding of judges to the 
Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts 
of the country, with circuit courts, would create a court 
altogether too numerous for a judicial body of any sort. 
And the evil, if it be one, will increase as new States come 
into the Union. Circuit courts are useful, or they are not 
useful; if useful, no State should be denied them; if not 
useful, no State should have them. Let them be provided 
for all, or abolished as to all. 

Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, 
would be an improvement upon our present system. Let 
the Supreme Court be of convenient number in every event. 
Then, first, let the whole country be divided into circuits of 
convenient size, the supreme judges to serve in a number of 
them corresponding to their own number, and independ 
ent circuit judges be provided for all the rest. Or, 
secondly, let the supreme judges be relieved from circuit 
duties, and circuit judges provided for all the circuits. Or, 
thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving the 
judicial fimctions wholly to the district courts, and an inde- 
pendent Supreme Court. 

I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress 



208 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

the present condition of the statute laws, with the hope that 
Congress will be able to find an easy remedy for many of the 
inconveniences and evils which constantly embarrass those 
engaged in the practical administration of them. Since the 
organization of the Government, Congress has enacted 
some five thousand acts and joint resolutions, which fill 
more than six thousand closely printed pages, and are 
scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts 
have been drawn in haste and without sufficient caution, 
so that their provisions are often obscure in themselves, or 
in conflict with each other, or at least so doubtful as to 
render it very difficult for even the best informed persons 
to ascertain precisely what the statute law really is. 

It seems to me very important that the statute laws 
should be made as plain and intelligible as possible, and be 
reduced to so small a compass as may consist with the full- 
ness and precision of the will of the legislature and the per- 
spicuity of its language. This, well done, would, I think, 
greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to 
assist in the administration of the laws, and would be a 
lasting benefit to the people, by placing before them, in a 
more accessible and intelligible form, the laws which so 
deeply concern their interests and their duties. 

I am informed by some whose opinions I respect, that all 
the acts of Congress now in force, and of a permanent and 
general nature, might be revised and reA\Titten, so as to 
be embraced in one volume (or, at most, two volumes), of 
ordinary and convenient size. And I respectfully recom- 
mend to Congress to consider of the subject, and, if my 
suggestion be approved, to devise such plan as to their wis- 
dom shall seem most proper for the attainment of the end 
proposed. 

One of the unavoidable consequences of the present 
insurrection is the entire suppression, in many places, of all 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 209 

the ordinary means of administering civil justice by the 
ofRcers and in the forms of existing law. This is the case, 
in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States; and as our 
armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those 
States, the practical evil becomes more apparent. There 
are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of other 
States may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims 
against citizens of the insurgent States ; and there is a vast 
amount of debt constituting such claims. Some have 
estimated it as high as two hundred million dollars, due, in 
large part, from insurgents, in open rebellion, to loyal 
citizens, who are, even now, making great sacrifices, in the 
discharge of their patriotic duty, to support the Govern- 
ment. 

Under these circumstances, I have been urgently solicited 
to establish, by military power, courts to administer sum- 
mary justice in such cases. I have thus far declined to do 
it, not because I had any doubt that the end proposed — the 
collection of the debts — was just and right in itself, but be- 
cause I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of 
necessity in the unusual exercise of power. But the 
powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous 
occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, 
with the hope that a plan may be devised for the adminis- 
tration of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States 
and Territories as may be under the control of this Govern- 
ment, whether by a voluntary return to allegiance and 
order, or by the power of our arms. This, however, not to 
be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, 
and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be re- 
established in peace. 

It is important that some more convenient means should 
be provided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against 
the Government, especially in view of their increased num- 



210 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

ber by reason of the war. It is as much the duty of Gov- 
ernments to render prompt justice against itself, in favor 
of citizens, as it is to administer the same between private 
individuals. The investigation and adjudication of claims, 
in their nature, belong to the judicial department; besides, 
it is apparent that the attention of Congress will be more 
than usually engaged for some time to come with great 
national questions. It was intended, by the organization 
of the Court of Claims, mainly to remove this branch of 
business from the halls of Congress; but while the court 
has proved to be an effective and valuable means of investi- 
gation, it in a great degree fails to effect the object of its 
creation for want of power to make its judgments final. 

Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the 
subject, I commend to your careful consideration whether 
this power of making judgments final may not properly be 
given to the court, reserving the right of appeal on ques- 
tions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other pro- 
visions as experience may have shown to be necessary. 

I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster General, 
the following being a summary statement of the condition 
of the department : 

The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1861, including the annual permanent appropria- 
tion of seven hundred thousand dollars for the transporta- 
tion of "free mail matter," was nine million forty-nine 
thousand two himdred and ninety-six dollars and forty 
cents, being about two per cent, less than the revenue for 
1860. 

The expenditures were thirteen million six hundred and 
six thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine dollars and elev- 
en cents, showing a decrease of more than eight per cent, 
as compared with those of the previous year, and leaving 
an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



211 



year of four million five hundred and fifty-seven thousand 
four hundred and sixty-two dollars and seventy-one cents. 

The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is 
estimated at an increase of four per cent, on that of 1861, 
making eight million six hundred and eighty-three thou- 
sand dollars, to which should be added the earnings of the 
department in carrying free matter, viz: seven hundred 
thousand dollars, making nine million three hundred and 
eighty-three thousand dollars. 

The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at twelve 
million five hundred and twenty-eight thousand dollars, 
leaving an estimated deficiency of three million one hun- 
dred and forty-five thousand dollars to be supplied from 
the treasury, in addition to the permanent appropriation. 

The present insurrection shows, I think, that the exten- 
sion of this District across the Potomac river, at the time 
of establishing the capital here, was eminently wise, and 
consequently that the relinquishment of that portion of it, 
which lies within the State of Virginia, was unwise and dan- 
gerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency 
of regaining that part of the District, and the restoration 
of the original boundaries thereof, through negotiations 
with the State of Virginia. 

The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the ac- 
companying documents, exhibits the condition of the sev- 
eral branches of the public business pertaining to that de- 
partment. The depressing influences of the insurrection 
have been specially felt in the operations of the Patent 
and General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the 
sales of public lands chn-ing the past year have exceeded the 
expenses of our land system only about two hundrerl thou- 
sand dollars. The sales have been entirely suspended in- 
the Southern States, while the interruptions to the busi- 
ness of the country, and the diversions of large numbers 



212 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of men from labor to military ser\ace, have obstructed 
settlements in the new States and Territories of the North- 
west. 

The receipts of the Patent Office have dechned in nine 
months about one hundred thousand dollars, rendering a 
large reduction of the force employed necessary to make it 
self-sustaining. 

The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely in- 
creased by the insurrection. Numerous applications for 
pensions, based upon the casualties of the existing war, 
have already been made. There is reason to believe that 
many who are now upon the pension rolls, and in receipt of 
the bounty of the Government, are in the ranks of the 
insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort. The 
Secretary of the Interior has directed a suspension of the 
payment of the pensions of such persons upon the proof of 
their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize 
that officer to cause the names of such persons to be 
stricken from the pension rolls. 

The ralations of the Government with the Indian tribes 
have been greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially 
in the Southern Superintendency and in that of New Mex- 
ico. The Indian country south of Kansas is in the posses- 
sion of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents 
of the United States appointed since the 4th of March for 
tliis superintendency have been unable to reach their posts, 
while the most of those who were in office before that time 
have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to 
exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions 
from the insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public 
press that a portion of those Indians had been organized as 
a military force, and are attached to the army of the 
insurgents. Although the Government has no official 
information upon this subject, letters have been written to 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 213 

the Commissioner of Indian affairs by several prominent 
chiefs, giving assurance [of their lo3^alty to the United States, 
and expressing a wish for the presence of Federal troops to 
protect them. It is believed that upon the repossession of 
the country by the Federal forces the Indians will readily 
cease all hostile demonstrations, and resume their former 
relations to the Government. 

Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, 
has not a department, nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, 
assigned to it in the Government. While it is fortunate 
that this great interest is so independent in its nature as to 
not have demanded and extorted more from the Govern- 
ment, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether 
something more cannot be given voluntarily with general 
advantage. 

Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agricul- 
ture, commerce and manufactures, will present a fund of 
information of great practical value to the country. While 
I make no suggestion as to details, I venture the opinion 
that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profitably 
be organized. 

The execution of the laws for the suppression of the Afri- 
can slave trade has been confided to the Department of the 
Interior. It is a subject of gratulation that the efforts which 
have been made for the suppression of this inhuman traffic 
have been recently attended with unusual success. Five 
vessels being fitted out for the slave trade have been seized 
and condemned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the 
trade, and one person in equipping a vessel as a slaver, have 
been convicted and subjected to the penalty of fine and 
imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of 
Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the 
highest grade of offense under our laws, the punishment of 
which is death. 



214 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada-, 
created by the last Congress, have been organized, and 
civil administration has been inaugiirated therein under 
auspices especially gratifying, when it is considered that the 
leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new 
countries when the Federal officers arrived there. 

The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with 
the security and protection afforded by organized govern- 
ment, will doubtless invite to them a large immigration 
when peace shall restore the business of the country to its 
accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the 
Legislature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit 
of the people of the Territory. So far, the authority of the 
United States has been upheld in all the Territories, as it is 
hoped it will be in the future. T commend their interests 
and defense to the enhghtened and generous care of Con- 
gress. 

I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress 
the interests of the District of Columbia. The insurrection 
has been the cause of much suffering and sacrifice to its 
inhabitants, and as they have no representative in Con- 
gress, that body should not overlook their just claims upon 
the Government. 

At your late session a joint resolution was adopted 
authorizing the President to take measures for facilitating 
a proper representation of the industrial interests of the 
United States at the exhibition of the industry of all na- 
tions, to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret 
to say that I have been unable to give personal attention to 
this subject — a subject at once so interesting in itself, and 
so extensively and intimately connected with the material 
prosperity of the world. Through the Secretaries of State 
and of the Interior a plan, or system, has been devised, and 
partly matured, and which will be laid before you. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 215 

Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled " An 
act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary pur- 
poses, " approved August 6, 1861, the legal claims of cer- 
tain persons to the labor and service of certain other persons 
have become forfeited; and numbers of the latter, thus 
liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and 
must be provided for in some way. Besides this, it is 
not impossible that some of the States will pass similar 
enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by 
operations of which persons of the same class will be thrown 
upon them for disposal. In such case I recommend that 
Congress provide for accepting such persons from such 
States according to some mode of valuation, in lieu, pro 
tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed 
on with such States, respectively ; that such persons, on such 
acceptance by the General Government, be at once 
deemed free; and that, in any event, steps be taken for 
colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned, if the 
other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or 
places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to 
consider, too, whether the free colored people already in the 
United States could not, so far as individuals may desire, 
be included in such colonization. 

To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the 
acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money 
beyond that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. 
Having practiced the acquisition of territory for nearly 
sixty years, the question of constitutional power to do so 
is no longer an open one with us. The power was ques- 
tioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the pur- 
chase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of great 
expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object 
of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, 
this measure effects that object, for the emigration of col- 



216 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

ored men leaves additional room for wliite men remaining 
or coming here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the im- 
portance of procuring Louisiana more on political and com- 
mercial grounds than on providing room for population. 

On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of 
money with the acquisition of territory, does not the ex- 
pediency amount to absolute necessity^that without 
which the Government itself cannot be perpetuated? 

The war continues. In considering the policy to be 
adopted for suppressing the insurrection, I have been 
anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict for this 
purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and remorseless 
revolutionary struggle. I have, therefore, in every case 
thought it proper to keep the integrity of the Union prom- 
inent as the primary object of the contest on our part, leav- 
ing all questions which are not of vital military importance 
to the more deliberate action of the legislature. 

In the exercise of my best discretion, I have adhered to 
the blockade of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of 
putting in force, by proclamation, the law of Congress 
enacted at the late session for closing those ports. 

So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the 
obligations of law, instead of transcending, I have adhered 
to the act of Congress to confiscate property used for insur- 
rectionary purposes. If a new law upon the same subject 
shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly considered. 
The Union must be preserved; and hence all indispensable 
means must be employed. We should not be in haste to 
determine that radical and extreme measures, which may 
reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable. 

The inaugural address at the begimiing of the adminis- 
tration, and the message to Congress at the late special 
session, were both mainly devoted to the domestic con- 
troversy out of which the insurrection and consequent war 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 217 

have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add or subtract to or 
from the principles or general purposes stated and ex- 
pressed in those documents. 

The last ray of hope for preserving the tJnion peaceably 
expired at the assault upon Fort Sumpter; and a general 
review of what has occurred since may not be unprofitable. 
What was painfully uncertain then is much better defined 
and more distinct now; and the progress of events is 
plainly in the right direction. The insurgents confidently 
claim a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's 
line, and the friends of the Union were not free from ap- 
prehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled 
definitely, and on the right side. South of the line, noble 
little Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was 
made to seem against the Union. Our soldiers were as- 
saulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up within 
her limits, and we were many days, at one time, without 
the ability to bring a single regiment over her soil to the 
capital. Now her bridges and railroads are repaired and 
open to the Government; she already gives seven regi- 
ments to the cause of the Union and none to the enemy; 
and her people, at a regular election, have sustained the 
Union by a larger majority and a larger aggregate vote than 
they ever before gave to any candidate or any question. 
Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, 
and, I think, unchangeably, ranged on the side of the 
Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, and I believe 
cannot again be overrun by the insurrectionists. These 
three States of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, neither 
of which would promise a single soldier at first, have now an 
aggregate of not less 'than forty thousand in the field for 
the Union ; while of their citizens certainly not more than a 
third of that number, and they of doubtful whereabouts 
and doubtful existence, are in arms against it. After a 



218 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on the 
Union people of Western Virginia, leaving them masters of 
their own country. 

An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months 
dominating the narrow peninsular region, constituting the 
counties of Accomac, and Northampton, and known as the 
eastern shore of Virginia, together with some contiguous 
parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms; and the 
people there have renewed their allegiance to, and accepted 
the protection of, the old flag. This leaves no armed in- 
surrectionist north of the Potomac or east of the Chesa- 
peake. 

Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated 
points, on the southern coast, of Hatteras, Port Royal, 
Tybee Island, near Savannah, and Ship Island; and we 
likewise have some general accounts of popular movements, 
in behalf of the Union, in North Carolina and Tennessee. 

These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is 
advancing steadily and certainly southward. 

Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant General Scott 
has retired from the head of the army. During his long 
life, the nation has not been unmindful of his merit; yet, on 
calling to mind how faithfully, ably and brilliantly he has 
served the country, from a time far back in our history, 
when few of the now living had been born, and thence- 
forward continually, I cannot but think we are still his 
debtors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration, what 
further mark of recognition is due to him, and to ourselves, 
as a grateful people. 

With the retirement of General Scott came the Executive 
duty of appointing, in his stead, a General-in-chief of the 
army. It is a fortunate circumstance that neither in 
council nor country was there, so fkr as I know, any differ- 
ence of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. The 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 219 

retiring chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor 
of General McClellan for the position and in this the nation 
seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The designation 
of General McClellan is, therefore, in considerable degree, 
the selection of the country as well as of the Executive; 
and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given 
him the confidence and cordial support thus, by fair impli- 
cation, promised, and without which he can not, with so 
full efficiency, serve the country. 

It has been said that one bad general is better than two 
good ones; and the saying is true, if taken to mean no 
more than that an army is better directed by a single 
mind, though inferior, than by two superior ones at vari- 
ance and cross-purposes with each other. 

And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those 
engaged can have none but a common end in view, and can 
differ only as to the choice of means. In a storm at sea, no 
one on board can wish the ship to sink, and yet, not unfre- 
quently, all go dowii together because too many will direct 
and no single mind can be allowed to control. 

It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if 
not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular 
government — the rights of the people. Conclusive evi- 
dence of this is found in the most grave and maturely- 
considered public document, as well as in the general tone 
of the insurgents. In those documents we find the abridge- 
ment of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the 
people of all right to participate in the selection of public 
officers, except the legislative, boldly advocated, with 
labored arguments to prove that large control of the people 
in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy 
itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the 
power of the people. 

In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I 



220 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of re- 
turning despotism. 

It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument 
should be made in favor of popular institutions ; but there 
is one point, with its connections, not so hackneyed as most 
others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort 
to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor, 
in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is 
available only in comiection with capital — that nobody 
labors imless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by 
the use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next 
considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers 
and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy 
them, and drive them to it without their consent. Having 
proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded, that all laborers 
are either hired laborers, or what we call slaves. And 
further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer 
is fixed in that condition for life. 

Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor 
as assumed; nor is there any such thing as a free man being 
fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both 
these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them 
are groundless. 

Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is 
only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if 
labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, 
and deserves much the higher consideration. Capital has 
its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other 
rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always 
will be, a relation between labor and capital producing 
mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole 
labor of a community exists within that relation. A few 
men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and 
with their capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 221 

A large majority belong to neither class — neither work for 
others nor have others working for them. In most of the 
Southern States a majority of the whole people, of all 
colors, are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern 
a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with 
their families — wives, sons and daughters — work for them- 
selves, on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, 
taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no 
favors of capital, on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or 
slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable 
number of persons mingle their own labor with capital — 
that is, they labor with their own hands, and also buy or 
hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed, and 
not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by 
the existence of this mixed class. 

Again, as has already been said,_there is not, of necessity, 
any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that 
condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in 
these States, a few years back in their lives, were hired 
laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world, 
labors for wages awhile, saves a surplus with which to buy 
tools or land for himself, then labors on his own account 
another while, and at length hires another new beginner to 
help him. This is the just, and generous, and prosperous 
system, which opens the way to all — gives hope to all, and 
consequent energy, and progress, and improvement of con- 
dition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted 
than those who toil up from poverty; none less inclined to 
take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. 
Let them beware of surrendering a political power which 
they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely 
be used to close the door of advancement against such as 
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, 
till all of Uberty shall be lost. 



222 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

From the first taking of our National Census to the last 
are seventy years ; and we find our population at the end 
of the period eight times as great as it was at the beginning. 
The increase of those other thngs which men deem desirable 
has been even greater. We thus have at one view what the 
popular principle, applied to Government through the 
machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a 
given time, and also what it firmly maintained, it promises 
for the future. There are already among us^ those who, if 
the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two hun- 
dred and fifty millions. The struggle of to-day is. not alto- 
gether for to-day; it is for a vast future also. With a re- 
liance on Providence all the more firm and earnest, let us 
proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon 

us. 
' Abraham Lincoln. 

Washington, December 3, 1861. 

On the 13th of January, 1862, Mr. Cameron resigned his 
place in the Cabinet as Secretary of War, receiving an 
appointment as Minister to Russia, and the Honorable 
Edwin M. Stanton was appointed in his stead. 

The message sent by President Lixcolx to Congress on 
the 6th of March, in regard to gradual and compensated 
emancipation, shows that he had now come to look seriously 
upon the question of employing some means for the com- 
plete eradication of slavery. He intimates plainly that 
such a conviction was on his mind when preparing his mes- 
sage of Dec. 3, 1861. His emancipation message is in these 
words : 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- 
SENT.^TivEs: I recommend the adoption of a joint resolu- 
tion by your honorable bodies, which shall be substantially 
as follows : 



LiFK OF Abraham Lincoln. 223 

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate 
with any State which may adopt gradual abohshment of 
slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by 
such State in its discretion, to compensate for the incon- 
veniences, public and private, produced by such change of 
system. 

If the proposition contained in the resolution does not 
meet the approval of Congress and the country, there is the 
end; but if it does command such approval, I deem it of 
importance that the States and people immediately inter- 
ested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so 
that they may begin to consider whether to accept or re- 
ject it. The Federal Government would find its highest 
interest in such a measure as one of the most efficient means 
of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrec- 
tion entertain the hope that this Government will ultimately 
be forced to acknowledge the independence of some 
part of the disaffected region, and that all the Slave States 
north of such part will then say, "the Union for which we 
have struggled being already gone, we now choose to go 
with the southern section. " To deprive them of this hope 
substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of eman- 
cipation completely deprives them of it as to all the States 
initiating it. The point is not that all the States tolerating 
slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation, 
but that, while, the offer is equally made to all, the more 
northern shall, by such initiation, make it certain to the 
more southern that in no event will the former ever join the 
latter in their proposed confederacy. I say "initiation," 
because, in my judgment, gradual, and not sudden emanci- 
pation, is better for all. In the mere financial or pecuniary 
view, any member of Congress, with the Census tables and 
treasury reports before him, can readily see for himself how 
very soon the current expenditures of this war would pur- 



224 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

chase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State. 
Such a proposition on the part of the General Government 
sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere 
with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the 
absolute control of the subject in each case to the State 
and its people immediately interested. It is proposed as 
a matter of perfectly free choice with them. 

In the annual message last December I thought fit to 
say, "the Union must be preserved, and hence all indis- 
pensable means must be employed. " I said this not hast- 
ily, but deliberately. War has been made, and continues 
to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical re- 
acloiowledgment of the National authority would render 
the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, how- 
ever, resistance continues, the war must also continue, and 
it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend 
and aU the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem 
indispensable, or may obviously promise great efficiency 
toward ending the struggle, must and will come. 

The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope 
it may be esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary 
consideration tendered \\ould not be of more value to the 
States and private persons concerned than are the institu- 
tions and property in it, in the present aspect of affairs. 

While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolu- 
tion would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a prac- 
tical measure, it is recommended in the hope that it would 
soon lead to important practical results. In full view of 
my great responsibility to my God and to my coimtry, I 
earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the 
subject. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

March 6, 1862. 




>^,«e^:<^^t^ syCC a^^-^^^c^ rt^ 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 225 

The resolution recommended in the foregoing paper was 
passed by the House on the 11th of March— ayes 97, noes 
36. Only five of the affirmative votes were from the Slave 
States. The resolution was concurred in by the Senate, 
with little opposition, and signed by the President on the 
10th of April. 

Early in April the Senate passed a bill abolishing slavery 
the District of Columbia, with compensation to the loyal 
owners of slaves. This bill passed the House on the 11th of 
the same month, four days after its transmission— ayes 92, 
noes 39. In communicating his approval of this measure, 
the President, departing from the usual practice, sent a 
message to Congress in the following terms: 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives: The act entitled "An act for the release of 
certain persons held to service or labor in the District of 
Columbia, " has this day been approved and signed. 

I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Con- 
gress to abolish slavery in this District; and I have ever de- 
sired to see the National Capital freed from the institution 
in some satisfactory way. Hence there has never been, 
in my mind, any question upon the subject except the one 
of expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If 
there be matters within and about this act which might 
have taken a course or shape more satisfactory to my judg- 
ment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am gratified 
that the two principles of compensation and colonization 
are both recognized and practically applied in the act. 

In the matter of compensation it is provided that claims 
may be presented within ninety days from the passage of 
the act, "but not thereafter," and there is no saving for 
minors, femmes-covert, insane or absent persons. I pre- 
sume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I recom- 



226 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

mend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supple- 
mental act. 
April 16, 1862. Abraham Lincoln. 

On the 10th of June, President Lincoln commimicated 
to Congress a copy of a treaty negotiated with Great Brit- 
ain, having for it design a complete suppression of the 
African slave-trade. 

The Confiscation Act, as finally matured and passed by 
Congress, with a special provision for conditional pardon 
and amnesty, received the approval of the Executive on the 
last day of the session, July 17th. To obviate constitu- 
tional objections known to exist in the President's mind, to 
the measure as at first passed, a supplementary joint 
resolution had been adopted, limiting the forfeiture of real 
estate to the lifetime of its rebel owner. His views on this 
subject were officially set forth in a document, from which 
the following memorable sentences are quoted: 

It is'startling to say that Congress can free a slave within 
a State, and yet were it said that the ownership of a slave 
had first been transferred to the nation, and that Congress 
had then Uberated him, the difficulty would vanish; and 
this is the real case. The traitor against the General Gov- 
ernment forfeits his slave at least as justly as he does 
any other property, and he forfeits both to the Govern- 
ment against which he offends. The Government, so far 
as there can be ownership, owns the forfeited slaves, and 
the question for Congress in regard to them is, shall they be 
made free or sold to new masters? I see no objection to 
Congress deciding in advance that they shall be free. 

That those who make a causeless war should be com- 
pelled to pay the cost of it, is too obviously just to be called 
in question. To give Government protection to the prop- 
erty of persons who have abandoned it, and gone on a 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 227 

crusade to overthrow the same Government, is absurd, if 
considered in the mere light of justice. The severest jus- 
tice may not always be the best policy. * * I think our 
military commanders, when, in military phrase, they are 
within the enemy's country, should, in an orderly manner, 
seize and keep whatever of real and personal property may 
be necessary or convenient for their commands, and at the 
same time preserve in some way the evidence of what they 
do. 

A few days before the adjournment, the President, evi- 
dently looking forward to the necessity of a more radical 
and decisive policy in regard to slavery, invited the Sena- 
tors and Representatives of the border Slave States to a 
conference. The disastrous Peninsular campaign was now 
over, and depression prevailed throughout the country. 
The war must somehow be ended, with the rebellion over- 
thrown ; and the employment of every effective and legiti- 
mate war measure, he felt to be now demanded. He de- 
sired the great change to come as lightly as possible on the 
still loyal Slave States, and it was in this spirit that the 
interview was solicited by him. Having convened at the 
Executive Mansion, on the 12th of July, these representa- 
tives were addressed by Mr. Lincoln (reading what he had 
carefully prepared for the occasion) as follows : 

Gentlemen: After the adjournment of Congress, now 
near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you for several 
months. Believing that you of the Border States hold 
more power for good than any other equal number of mem- 
bers, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive to 
make this appeal to you. 

I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that 
in my opinion, if you all had voted for the resolution in the 



228 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

gradual emancipation message of last March, the war 
would now be substantially ended. And the plan therein 
proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of 
ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see definite- 
ly and certainly that in no event will the States you repre- 
sent ever join their proposed Confederacy, and they can- 
not much longer maintain the contest. But you cannot 
divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with 
them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate 
the institution within your o^vn States. Beat them at 
elections, as you have overwhelmingly done, and, nothing 
daunted, they still claim you as their own. You- and I 
know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever 
before their faces, and they can shake j-ou no more forever. 
Most of 3'ou have treated me with kindness and consider- 
ation, and I trust j'ou will not now think I improperly 
touch what is exclusively your own, when, for the sake of 
the whole country, I ask, "Can you, for your States, do 
better than to take the course I urge?" Discarding 
punctilio and maxims adapted to more manageable times, 
and looking only to the unprecedently stern facts of our 
case, can you do better in any possible event? You prefer 
that the constitutional relations of the States to the nation 
shall be practically restored without disturbance of the 
institution; and, if this were done, my whole duty in this 
respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, would 
be performed. But it is not done, and we are trying to 
accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war cannot be 
avoided. If the war continues long, as it must if the ob- 
ject be not sooner attained, the institution in your States 
will be extinguished bj^ mere friction and abrasion — by 
the mere incidents of the war. It \\-ill be gone, and you 
vdll have nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value 
is gone already. How much better for you and for your 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 229 

people to take the step which at once shortens the war, 
and secures substantial compensation for that which is 
sure to be wholly lost in any other event ! How much bet- 
ter to thus save the money which else we sink forever in 
the war! How much better to do it while we can, lest the 
war, ere long, render us pecuniarily unable to do it! How 
much better for you as seller, and the nation, as buyer, to 
sell out and buy all that without which the war could 
never have been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and 
the price of it, in cutting one another's throats! 

I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision 
at once to emancipate gradually. Room in South Africa 
for colonization can be obtained cheaply and in abundance, 
and when numbers shall be large enough to be company 
and encouragement for one another, the freed people will 
not be so reluctant to go. 

I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned — one 
which threatens division among those who, united, are 
none too strong. An instance of it is known to you. Gen- 
eral Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I hope still is, 
my friend. I valued him none the less for his agreeing 
with me in the general wish that all men everywhere could 
be freed. He proclaimed all men free within certain 
States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected 
more good and less harm from the measure than I could 
believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dis- 
satisfaction, if not offense, to many whose support the 
country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end 
of. it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and 
is increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can re- 
lieve me, and, much more, can relieve the country in this 
important point. 

Upon these considerations, I have again begged your 
attention to the message of March last. Before leaving 



230 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

the Capitol, consider and discuss it among yourselves. You 
are patriots and statesmen, and as such, I pray you con- 
sider this proposition, and, at the least, commend it to the 
consideration of your States and people. As you would 
perpetuate popular government for the best people in the 
world, I beseech you that you do in no wise omit this. Our 
common country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest 
views and boldest action to being a speedy relief. Once 
relieved, its form of government is saved to the world; its 
beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, 
and its happy future fully assured and rendered incon- 
ceivably grand. To you, more than to any others, the 
privilege is given to assure that happiness, and swell that 
grandeur, and to link your own names therewith forever. 

Twenty of the Senators and Representatives thus ad- 
dressed replied in respectful, but decidedly unfavorable, 
terms. Nine only made friendly and approving responses. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The Peninsular Campaign. 

More than six months having elapsed since the command 
of the Army of the Potomac had devolved upon General 
McClellan, without the development of either a particular 
plan or a general purpose of attacking the enemy, under 
circumstances the most favorable, and an unexpected 
quiescence having followed his appointment as General- 
in-chief, the President at length issued his "General War 
Order, No. 1," as follows: 

Executive Mansion, Washington, ) 
January 27, 1862. f 

President's General War Order, No. 1.] 

Ordered, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the 
day for a general movement of the land and naval forces of 
the United States against the insurgent forces. 

That especially the Army at and about Fortress Monroe, 
the Army of the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, 
the Army near Mumfordsville, Kentucky, the Army and 
Flotilla at Cairo, and a naval force in the Gulf of Mexico, 
be ready for a movement on that day. 

That all forces, both land and naval, with their re- 
spective commanders, obey existing orders for the time, 
and be ready to obey additional orders when duly given. 

That the Heads of Departments, and especially the 
Secretaries of War and of the Navy, with all their sub- 
ordinates, and the General-in-chief, with all other com- 

231 



232 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

manders and subordinates of land and naval forces, will 
severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for 
the prompt execution of this order. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



After thus directing General McClellan's efforts more 
particularly to the management of the Army of the Poto- 
mac, the President soon found it expedient to concentrate 
that officer's thoughts upon some definite plan — which 
had evidently been not very clearly before his mind hither- 
to — for rendering this great force of practical service to the 
Government. Consequently, four days later, the following 
order was communicated to McClellan: 



Executive Mansion, Washington, ) 
January. 31, 1862. ) 
Ordered, That all the disposable force of the Army of the 
Potomac, after providing safely for the defense of Wash- 
ington, be formed into an expedition for the immediate 
object of seizing and occupying a point upon the railroad 
south-westward of what is known as Manassas Junction; 
all details to be in the discretion of the Commander-in-chief, 
and the expedition to move before, or on, the twenty-second 
day of February next. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



On the 3d of February, President Lincoln addressed 
to Gen. McClellan the following memorable letter, having 
reference to the Urbana plan, scarcely more than alluded 
to by McClellan in his final report, and seemingly as un- 
ceremoniously abandoned, after serving a purpose, as it 
had been zealously improvised; 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 233 

Executive Mansion, Washington, ) 
February 3, 1862. f 

My Dear Sir: You and I have distinct and different 
plans for a movement of the Army of the Potomac ; yours 
to be done by the Chesapeake, up the Rappahannock to 
Urbana, and across land to the terminus of the railroad on 
the York river; mine to move directly to a point on the 
railroad southwest of Manassas. 

If you will give satisfactory answers to the following ques- 
tions, I shall gladly yield my plan to yours: 

1st. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expen- 
diture of time and money than mine? 

2d. Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than 
mine? 

3d. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan 
than mine? 

4th. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this; that 
it would break no great line of the enemy's communica- 
tions, while mine would? 

5th. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more 
difficult by your plan than mine? 

Yours truly, A. Lincoln. 

Major-General McClellan 

With all that had been accomphshed in the way of or- 
ganization, discipline, and general preparation, the Army 
of the Potomac, had still remained without distribution into 
Army Corps. The President, sustained by the best mili- 
tary authorities and advisers, if not by the universal prac- 
tice in modern warfare, had desired such organization to 
be made. This General McClellan had failed to attend to, 
and it was not until he was on the eve of a movement 
toward Manassas, with a manifest purpose not to perfect 
his organization, that President Lincoln issued the follow- 
ing peremptory order: 



234 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 
March 8, 1862. 

President's General War Order, No. 2.] 

Ordered, I. That the Major-General commanding the 
Army of the Potomac proceed forthwith to organize that 
part of said army destined to enter upon active operations, 
(including the reserve, but excluding the troops to be left 
in the fortifications about Washington), into four army 
corps, to be commanded according to seniority of rank, as 
follows : 

First Corps, to consist of four divisions, and to be com- 
manded by Major-General A. McDowell. 

Second Corps, to consist of three divisions, and to be com- 
manded by Brigadier-General E. V. Sumner. 

Third Corps, to consist of three divisions, and to be com- 
manded by Brigadier-General S. P. Heintzelman. 

Fourth Corps, to consist of three divisions, and to be com- 
manded by Brigadier-General E. D. Keyes. 

IL That the divisions now commanded by the officers 
above assigned to the command of Corps, shall be em- 
braced in and form part of their respective Corps. 

III. The forces left for the defense of Washington will 
be placed in command of Brigadier-General James S. Wads- 
worth, who shall also be Military Governor of the District 
of Columbia. 

IV. That this order be executed with such promptness 
and dispatch, as not to delay the commencement of the 
operations already directed to be undertaken by the Army 
of the Potomac. 

V. That the Fifth Army Corps, to be commanded by 
Major-General N. P. Banks, will be formed from his own 
and General Shields', late General Lander's, division. 

Abraham Lincoln. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 235 

The President, who had reluctantly yielded his preference 
for such an advance on Richmond as would at the same 
time cover the National Capital, and who had not been 
indifferent to the -^neglect of his wishes in regard to the 
opening of the Potomac, or to the delays which experience 
had led him to dread, issued the subjoined general order: 

Executive Mansion. Washington, ) 
March 8, 1862. j 

Ordered. That no change of the base of operations of the 
Army of the Potomac shall be made without leaving in and 
about Washington such a force as, in the opinion of the 
General-in-chief and the commanders of army corps, shall 
leave said city entirely secure. 

That no more than two army corps (about fifty thou- 
sand troops) of said Army of the Potomac shall be moved 
en route for a new base of operations until the navigation of 
the Potomac, from Washington to the Chesapeake Bay, 
shall be freed from the enemy's batteries, and other ob- 
structions, or until the President shall hereafter give ex- 
press permission. 

That any movement as aforesaid, en route for a new base 
of operations, which may be ordered by the General-in-- 
chief, and which may be intended to move upon Chesa- 
peake Bay, shall begin to move upon the bay as early as 
the 18th of March, instant, and the General-in-chief shall 
be responsible that it moves as early as that day. 

Ordered, That the Army and Navy co-operate in an 
immediate effort to capture the enemy's batteries upon the 
Potomac between Washington and the Chesapeake Bay. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

L. Thomas, Adjutant-General. 

McClellan having now taken the field, so that a super- 
vision of all the armies of the nation was clearly out of his 



236 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

power, the President made public a change that was no 
secret to the General commanding the Army of the Potomac 
through the following order — in which, also, two separate 
departments were created in the West, to be commanded 
by Generals Halleck and Buell, and a 'third intermediate 
department, under the command of General Fremont: 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 
March 11, 1862. 
President's War Order, No. 3.] 

Major-General McClellan having personally taken the 
field at the head of the Army of the Potomac until other- 
wise ordered, he is relieved from the command of the other 
military departments, he retauiing command of the De- 
partment of the Potomac. 

Ordered, Further, That the two departments now under 
Hunter, together with so much of that under General Buell 
as lies west of a north and south line indefinitely drawn 
through Knoxville, Tennessee, be ■ consohdated and des- 
ignated the Department of the Mississippi and that until 
otherwise ordered Major-General Halleck have command 
of faid department. 

Ordered, also. That the country west of the Depart- 
ment of the Potomac and east of the Department of the 
Mississippi be a military department, to be called the 
Mountain Department, and that the same be commanded 
by Major-General Fremont. 

That all the Commanders of Departments, after the re- 
ceipt of this order by them respectively, report severally 
and directly to the Secretary of War, and that prompt, full 
and frequent reports will be expected of all and each of 
them. Abraham Lincoln. 

There still remained two army corps which had not yet 
been transferred to the Peninsula, when the report of Gen- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 237 

erals Thomas and Hitchcock was made. The only remedy 
for McClellan's intended disregard aUke of the conditions of 
his own plan and of the President's requirement, respecting 
the force to be left at Washington and in its vicinity, was 
such as the President applied in the first part of the follow- 
ing order, the wisdom of which was soon fully demonstrated : 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 

April 3, 1862. 

The Secretary of War will order that one or the other of 
the corps of General McDowell and General Sumner remain 
in front of Washington until further orders from the Depart- 
ment, to operate at, or in the direction of, Manassas Junc- 
tion, or otherwise as the occasion may require; that the 
other corps, not so ordered to remain, go forward to General 
McClellan as speedily as possible; that General McClellan 
commence his forward movements from his new base at 
once, and that such incidental modifications as the fore- 
going may render proper, be also made. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

If the President had not expected any serious loss of time 
at Yorktown, it is equally evident, from official dispatches, 
that such a thought had found no place in the mind of Mc- 
Clellan until about the same date as his official notifica- 
tion of the action of the Administration, just referred to. 
His dispatch, urging a reconsideration of this action, was 
prefaced by representations of the numbers and prepara- 
tions of the enemy, not very closely agreeing with those 
previously given, yet at least such as to afford cogent 
reasons for an unhesitating advance. This significant paper 
is subjoined: 

[Received 8.30 A. M., April 6.] 

Near Yorktown, 7J P. M., April 5. 
A. Lincoln, President: The enemy are in large force 



238 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

along our front, and apparently intend making a determined 
resistance. A reconnoissance just made by General Bar- 
nard shows that their line of works extends across the entire 
Peninsula from YorktowTi to Warwick river. Many of 
them are very formidable. Deserters say they are being 
reinforced daily from Richmond and from Norfolk. Under 
these circumstances, I beg that you will reconsider the order 
detacliing the First Corps from my command. In my 
deliberate judgment the success of our cause will be im- 
periled by so greatly reducing my force when it is actually 
under the fire of the enemy, and active operations have 
commenced. Two or three of my divisions have been 
under fire of artillery most of the day. I am now of the 
opinion that I shall have to fight all the available force of 
the Rebels not far from here. Do not force me to do so with 
diminished numbers, but whatever your decision may be I 
will leave nothing undone to obtain success. If you cannot 
leave me the whole of the First Corps, I urgently ask that 
I may not lose Frankhn and his division. 

G. B. McClellan, Major-General. 
To this dispatch the following reply was promptly sent : 

War Department, Washington City, 

April 6, 1862. 
Major-General Geo. B. McClellan: The President di- 
rects me to say that your dispatch to liim has been re- 
ceived. Sumner's corps is on the road to you, and will go 
forward as fast as possible. Franklin's division is now on 
the advance toward Manassas. There are no means of 
transportation here to send it fom^ard in time to be of 
service in your present operations. Telegraph frequently, 
and all in the power of the Government shall be done to 
sustain you as occasion may require. 

Edwin M. Stanton, 

Secretary of War. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 239 

Magruder, who commanded the Rebel force near York- 
town, fully appreciated the element of time in this cam- 
paign, and undoubtedly maneuvered with some skill to put 
his adversary on a cautious policy. In general orders to 
be read to his troops, on the 4th of April, he said: "The 
enemy is before us— our works are strong — our cause is 
good — we fight for our homes, and must be careful. Every 
hour we hold out brings us reinforcements. " Instead of 
availing himself of his overwhelming superiority of 
numbers by a resolute attack, McClellan paused to discuss 
still further the conduct of the Administration as to matters 
far away from the immediate sphere of his labors, and to 
beg for reinforcements. On the 6th he sent the following 
dispatch, (received in Washington at 3 o'clock P. M.) : 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac. 
A. Lincoln, President: The order forming new Depart- 
ments, if rigidly enforced, deprives me of the power of 
ordering up wagons and troops absolutely necessary to 
enable me to advance to Richmond. I have by no means 
the transportation I must have to move my army even a 
few miles. I respectfully request that I may not be placed 
in this position, but that my orders for wagon trains, am- 
munition, and other material that I have prepared and nec- 
essarily left behind, as well as Woodbury's brigade, may at 
once be complied with. The enemy is strong in my front, 
and I have a most serious task before me, in the fulfillment 
of wliich I need all the aid the Government can give me. 
I again repeat the urgent request that General Franklin 
and his division may be restored to my command. 

G. B. McClellan, Major-General. 

To this the President replied : 

Washington, April 6, 1862. 
Major-General McClellan, Fortress Monroe: Yours of 



240 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



11 A. M. to-day received. The Secretary of War informs 
me that the forwarding of transportation, ammunition, and 
Woodbury's brigade, under your orders is not, and will not 
be interfered with. You now have over one hmidred thou- 
sand troops with you, independent of General Wool's com- 
mand. I think you had better break the enemy's line from 
Yorktown to War\vick river at once. They will probably 
use time as advantageously as you can. 

A. Lincoln. 
So persistent was McClellan in these complaints and 
demands, that Mr. Lincoln felt constrained to address to 
liim the following frank and kindly letter, plainly rehears- 
ing the facts and reasons of the case, a'nd again pointedly 
indicating the grand necessity of the hour: 



Washington, April 9, 1862. 

My Dear Sir : Your dispatches, complaining that you 
are not properly sustained, while they do not offend me, 
do pain me very nmch. 

Blenker's division was withdrawn from you before you 
left here, and you know the pressure under which I did it, 
and, as I thought, acquiesced in it — certanly not without 
reluctance. 

After you left, I ascertained that less than twenty thou- 
sand unorganized men, without a single field battery, were 
all you designed to be left for the defense of Washington 
and Manassas Junction, and part of this even was to go to 
General Hooker's old position. General Banks' corps, 
once designed for Manassas Junction, was diverted and 
tied up on the line of Winchester and Strasburgh, and could 
not leave it without exposing again the Upper Potomac 
and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented, 
or would present, when McDowell and Sumner should be 
gone, a great temptation to the enemy to turn back from 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 241 

the Rappahannock and sack Washington. My implicit 
order that Washington should, by the judgment of all the 
commanders of army corps, be left entirely secure, had been 
neglected. It was precisely this that drove me to detain 
McDowell. 

I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrange- 
ment to leave Banks at Manassas Junction : but when that 
arrangement was broken up, and nothing was substituted 
for it, of course I was constrained to substitute something 
for it myself. And allow me to ask, do you really tliink I 
should permit the line from Richmond, via Manassas Junc- 
tion, to this city, to be entirely open, except what resist- 
ance could be presented by less than twenty thousand 
unorganized troops? This is a question which the country 
will not allow me to evade. 

There is a curious mystery about the number of troops 
now with you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying 
you had over a hundred thousand with you, I had just ob- 
tained from the Secretary of War a statement taken, as he 
said, from your own returns, making one hundred and eight 
thousand then with you and en route to you. You now say 
you will have but eighty-five thousand when all en route to 
you shall have reached you. How can the discrepancy of 
twenty-three thousand be accounted for? 

As to General Wool's command, I understand it is doing 
for you precisely what a like number of your own would 
have to do if that command was away. 

I suppose the whole force which has gone forward for 
you is with you by this time. And if so, I think it is the 
precise time for you to strike a blow. By delay, the 
enemy will relatively gain upon you — that is, he will gain 
faster by fortifications and reinforcements than you can by 
reinforcements alone. And once more let me tell you, it 
is indispensable to you that you strike a blov/. I am 



242 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to re- 
member I always insisted that going down the bay in search 
of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only 
shifting, and not surmounting a difficulty; that we would 
find the same enemy, and the same or equal intrenchments, 
at either place. The country will not fail to note, is now 
noting, that the present hesitation to move upon an in- 
trenched enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated. 

I beg to assure you that I have never written you or 

spoken to you in greater kindness of feeling than now, nor 

with a fuller purpose to sustain you, so far as, in my most 

anxious judgment, I consistently can. But you must act. 

Yours very truly, A. Lincoln. 

Major-General McClellan. 

The total number of McClellan's force, on the 30th of 
April, as officially given by Assistant Adjutant-General 
Townsend, was 130,378, of whom 112,392 are reported as 
"effective." This includes the division under General 
Franklin, which had arrived several days before, but still 
remained on the transports. 

Nearly a month had now passed, in the manner indicated 
by the dispatches above quoted — fair samples of all — when 
there came a request for additional guns, which drew from 
the President the following response: 

Executive Mansion, Washington, ) 

May 1, 1862. ) 
Major-General McClellan: Your call for Parrott guns 
from Washington alarms me — chiefly because it argues 
indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done? 

A. Lincoln. 

Two days later, on the night of May 3d, the enemy 
evacuated his works. 
The siege of Yorktown, without a close investment, 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 243 

which was not attempted, if ever contemplated, could have 
no other than barren results, unless the retreating enemy 
were promptly pursued. For this, his movement was not 
soon enough discovered. Here was, indeed, as the Presi- 
dent had dreaded, "the story of Manassas repeated" — -if 
that opinion may be hazarded in the face of General 
McClellan's positive claim of a "brilliant success." His 
first announcement of the evacuation was in the following 
dispatch : 

Headquarters Army of the Potomac, ) 

May 4, 9 A. M. f 
To the Honorable Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War: 
We have the ramparts. Have guns, ammunition, camp 
equipage, etc. We hold the entire line of his works, which 
the engineers report as being very strong. I have thrown 
all my cavalry and horse-artillery in pursuit, supported by 
infantry. I move Franklin's division, and as much more 
as I can transport by water, up to West Point to-day. No 
time shall be lost. The gunboats have gone up York 
river. I omitted to state that Gloucester is also in our 
possession. I shall push the enemy to the wall. 

G. B. McClellan, 
Major General. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
A New Era Inaugurated. 

The elections, prior to the autumn of 1862, had shown 
large majorities for the Administration. BrilHant successes 
had been won by its armies in the West, until, in June, 
the tide of victory paused before Vicksburg. In the East, 
military inefficiency had culminated on the Peninsula 
and before AVashington. Lee had invaded Maryland, and 
leisurely retired, unpursued. Political defeat followed 
military disaster. Ohio and Pennsylvania gave small 
majorities against the Administration in October. New 
York, in the next month, followed the example. The lower 
House of the next Congress was already claimed as secured 
by the Opposition. Popular discontent and despondency 
were everywhere manifest. Opposition politicians held 
the President responsible before the people for the non- 
action of their favorite general, whom they did not cease 
to lament when removed. Peace Democrats rallied behind 
banners inscribed, " For a more vigorous prosecution of the 
war;" yet their representative man was the one who, evad- 
ing orders of the Administration, and thwarting the Presi- 
dent's wishes, had wasted lavish preparations and abun- 
dant military forces, during a whole year, in organizing 
failure. 

Long before this disheartening epoch, however, Presi- 
dent Lincoln, as seen in previous pages, had earnestly 
directed his thoughts to the proper mode of dealing with 

245 



246 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

slavery, in its necessary relations to the war. His final 
speech to the Border State men on compensated emanci- 
pation, as we have seen, plainly indicated that, as early as 
July, his mind was made up to wrest this element of 
military power from the support of the Rebellion. 

In August, Mr. Greeley, of New York, published in his 
journal, the Tribune, an editorial article on this subject, in 
the form of a letter addressed to the President, severely 
criticising his action, and complaining, in no very gentle 
terms, of various matters, wherein the Administration had, 
in his opinion, fallen short of the just expectations of 
"twenty milhons" of loyal people. The whole letter pro- 
ceeded from the mistaken assumption that the President 
had not, all along, reflected as earnestly, and felt as deeply, 
in regard to the question of emancipation, as any man 
living. It was written in ignorance of the fact that the 
President had already fully matured and resolved upon a 
definite policy in regard to Slavery, and was only awaiting 
the fitting moment for its aimouncement. 

Mr. Lincoln thought proper to address Mr. Greeley the 
following letter, in reply to his complaints: 

Executive Mansion, Washington, ) 
August 22, 1862. ) 
Hon. Horace Greeley — Dear Sir: I have just read 
yours of the 19th, addressed to myself through the New 
York Tribune. If there be in it any statements or as- 
sumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, I do 
not now and here controvert them. If there be in it any 
inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do 
not now and here argue against them. If there be per- 
ceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it 
in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always 
supposed to be right. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 247 

As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I 
have not meant to leave any one in doubt. 

I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest 
way under the Constitution. The sooner the National 
authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be 
" the Union as it was. " If there be those who would not 
save the Union unless they could at the same time save 
Slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who 
would not save the Union unless they could at the same 
time destroy Slavery, I do not agree with them. My para- 
mount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is 
not either to save or destroy Slavery. If I could save the 
Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; if I could 
save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I 
could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I 
would also do that. What I do about Slavery and the 
colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this 
Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not be- 
lieve it would help to save the Union. I shall do less when- 
ever I shall beheve what I am doing hurts the cause, and I 
shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help 
the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be 
errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall 
appear to be true views. I have here stated my purpose 
according to my view of offlcial duty, and I intend no 
modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all 
men, everywhere, could be free. 

Yours, A. Lincoln. 

Although the proclamation of Emancipation had been 
prepared some time before this letter was written — in fact as 
early as July — it was not deemed a fitting occasion to an- 
nounce this great measure, when our army was recoiling 
from before Richmond, or when our capital itself was 



248 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

threatened and Maryland invaded. The battle of Antie- 
tain, followed by the withdrawal of Lee's army into Vir- 
ginia, occurred on the 17th day of September. The Presi- 
dent, five days later, issued the following- 

Proclamation of Emancipation. 

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, 
do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as hereto- 
fore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practi- 
cally restoring the constitutional relation between the 
LTnited States and the people thereof in those States in 
which that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed, 
that it is my purpose upon the next meeting of Congress 
to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure 
tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection 
of all the Slave States, so-called, the people whereof 
may not then be in rebellion against the United States 
and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, 
or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, the immediate or 
gradual abolishment of Slavery within their respective 
limits, and that the effort to colonize persons of African 
descent, with their consent, upon the continent or else- 
where, with the previously obtained consent of the govern- 
ment existing there, will be continued; that on the first 
day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty three, all persons held as slaves 
within any State, or any designated part of a State, the 
people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the 
United States, shall be then, thenceforward and 
forever, free; and the military and naval authority 
thereof will recognize and maintain the freedom of such 
persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 249 

or any of them, in any efforts they may make for actual 
freedom; that the Executive will, on the first day of 
January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States 
and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof 
respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United 
States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, 
shall on that day be in good faith represented in the 
Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto, 
at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of 
such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence 
of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive 
evidence that such State and the people thereof have 
not been in rebellion against the United States. 

Your attention is hereby called to an act of Congress 
entitled, "An act to make an additional article of war," 
approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words 
and figures following: 

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, 
That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as 
an addijtional article of war for the government of the 
Army of the United States, and shall be observed and 
obeyed as such: 

"Article — . All officers or persons of the mihtary 
or naval service of the United States are prohibited from 
employing any of the forces under their respective com- 
mands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service 
or labor who may have escaped from any persons to 
whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any 
officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of 
violating tliis article shall be dismissed from the service. 

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted that this act shall 
take effect from and after its passage." 

Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled, 



250 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

"An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and 
rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of Rebels, and 
for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and wliich 
sections are in the words and figures following: 

"Sec. 9. And be it further enacted that all slaves of 
persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against 
the Government of the United States, or who shall in 
, any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such 
persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; 
and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted 
by them, and coming under the control of the Government 
of the United States, and all slaves of such persons found 
on (or being within) any place occupied by Rebel forces 
and afterward occupied by the forces of the United 
States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be for- 
ever free of their servitude and not again held as slaves. 

"Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, that no slave 
escaping into any State, Territory or the District of 
Columbia, from any of the States, shall be delivered 
up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, 
except of crime, or some offense against the laws, unless 
the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that 
the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive 
is alleged to be due, is his lawful owner, and has not 
been in arms against the United States in the present 
rebellion, nor in any way given aid or comfort thereto; 
and no person engaged in the military or naval service 
of the United States shall, under any pretense whatever, 
assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any persons 
to the service or labor of any other person, or surrender 
up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dis- 
missed from the ser\'ice." 

And I do hereby enjoin upon, and order all persons 
engaged in the military and naval service of the United 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 251 

States to observe, obey and enforce within their respective 
spheres of service the act and sections above recited. 

And the Executive will, in due time, recommend that 
all citizens of the United States, who shall have remained 
loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, shall (upon the 
restoration of the constitutional relation between the 
United States and their respective States and people, 
if the relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) 
be conpensated for all losses by acts of the United States, 
including the loss of slaves. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-second 
day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence 
of the United States the eighty-seventh. 

By the President: Abraham Lincoln. 

Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

On the 1st day of January, the expected proclamation, 
completing this great work and giving it actual vitality, 
was promulgated in the following terms: 

Whereas, On the twenty-second day of September, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty two, a proclamation was issued by the President 
of the United States, containing, among other things, 
the following, to-wit: 

That on the first day of January, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 
persons held as slaves within any State, or any designated 
part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion 
against the United States, shall be thenceforward and 
forever free, and the Executive Government of the United 
States, including the military and naval authority thereof, 



252 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, 
and wdll do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of 
them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom : 

That the Executive will, on the first day of January 
aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and 
parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respec- 
tively shall then be in rebellion against the United States, 
and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall 
on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress 
of the United States by members chosen thereto at elec- 
tions wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such 
State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of 
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive 
evidence that such State and the people thereof are not 
then in rebellion against the United States: 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham IjIncoln, President of 
the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested 
as Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the 
United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against 
the authority and Government of the United States, 
and as a fit and necessary war measure for repressing 
said rebellion, do on' this first day of January, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, 
and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly 
proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from 
the day of the first above-mentioned order, and designate, 
as the States and parts of States wherein the people 
thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the 
United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, 
Louisiana, except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaque- 
mines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascen- 
sion, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, 
St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans, 
Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. , 253 

North Carolina, and Virginia, except the forty-eight 
counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties 
of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, 
Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk 
antl Portsmouth, and which excepted parts are, for the pres- 
ent, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. 

And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, 
I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within 
said designated States and parts of States are, and hence- 
forward shall be free; and that the Executive Government 
of the United States, including the military and naval 
authorities thereof will recognize and maintain the freedom 
of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be 
free, to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self- 
defense, and I recommend to them, that in all cases, when 
allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known that such persons 
of suitable condition will be received into the armed service 
of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations and 
other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 

And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, 
warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I 
invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gra- 
cious favor of Almighty God. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this first day 
of January in the year of our Lord one thousand 

[l. s.] eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Inde- 
pendence of the United States of America the 
eighty-seventh. 
By the President : Abraham Lincoln. 

William H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



254 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



It is fitting also to mention the order issued by Presi- 
dent Lincoln, in response to an appeal made to him by 
many Christian men, in regard to the better observance of 
Sunday as a day of rest and religious devotion. " In revo- 
lutionary times, " this reverence for the day can seldom be 
maintained in that strictness which is required even by 
human laws : but that a great improvement in this respect 
was practicable, could not be denied. The President's 
order on this subject, issued on the 16th of November, 1862, 
is one which deserves a perpetual remembrance. It is here 
subjoined: 

The President, Commander-in-chief of the Army and 
NaAy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of the 
Sabbath, by the officers and men in the military and naval 
service. The importance, for man and beast, of the pre- 
scribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers 
and sailors, a becoming deference to the best sentiment of a 
Christian people, and a due regard for the Divine will, de- 
mand that Sunday labor in the army and navy be reduced 
to the measure of strict necessity. 

The discipline and character of the National forces should 
not suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperiled, by the 
profanation of the day or name of the Most High. " At this 
time of public distress, " adopting the words of Washington 
in 1776, " men may find enough to do in the service of God 
and their country, without abandoning themselves to vice 
and immorality." The first general order issued by the 
Father of his Country, after the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, indicates the .spirit in which our institutions were 
founded and should ever be defended: "The General hopes 
and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live 
and act as becomes a Christian soldier defending the dear- 
est rights and liberties of his country. " 

Abraham Lincoln. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 255 

The Thirty-seventh Congress convened, for its last ses- 
sion on the first day of December, 1862. The annual mes- 
sage of the President was transmitted to both Houses on 
that day. In view of the marked events of the preceding 
reason, this document was looked for with unusual interest ; 
nor was its favorable reception disproportioned to the 
public expectation. The material portion of this State 
paper are as follows: 

Mr. Lincoln's Annual Message, 1862. 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives: Since your last annual assembling another 
year of health and bountiful harvests has passed. And, 
while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless us with a re- 
turn of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light 
He gives us, trusting that, in His own good time, and wise 
way, all will yet be well. * * * 

If the condition of our relations with other nations is less 
gratifying than it has usually been at former periods, it is 
certainly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily dis- 
tracted as we are, might reasonably have apprehended. In 
the month of June last there were some grounds to suspect 
that the maritime powers which, at the beginning of our 
domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we 
think, recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would 
soon recede from that position, which has proved only less 
injurious to themselves than to our own country. But the 
temporary reverses which afterward befell the National arms 
and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens 
abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice. 

The civil war, which has so radically changed, for the 
moment, the occupations and habits of the American peo- 
ple, has necessarily disturbed the social condition, and 



256 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



affected very deeply the prosperity of the nations with which 
we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily in- 
creasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the 
the same time, excited political ambitions and ajsprehensions 
which have produced a profound agitation throughout the 
civilized world. In this unusual agitation we have for- 
borne from taking part in any controversy between foreign 
States, and between parties or factions in such States. We 
have attempted no propagandism, and acknowledged no 
revolution. But we have left to every nation the exclusive 
conduct and management of its own affairs. Our struggle 
has been, of course, contemplated by foreign nations vsdth 
reference less to its owti merits, than to its supposed, and 
often exaggerated, effects and consequences resulting to 
those nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the 
part of this Government, even if it were just, would cer- 
tainly be unwise. 

The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the 
slave-trade has been put into operation, with a good pros- 
pect of complete success. It is an occasion of special 
pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it, on the 
part of Her Majesty's Government, has been marked with 
a jealous respect for the authority of the United States, and 
the rights of their moral and loyal citizens. * * * 

Applications have been made to me by many free Ameri- 
cans of African descent to favor their emigration, with a 
view to such colonization, as was contemplated in recent 
acts of Congress. Others parties, at home and abroad — 
some from interested motives, others upon patriotic con- 
siderations and still others influenced by philanthropic 
sentiments — have suggested similar measures; while, on 
the other hand, several of the Spanish-American republics 
have protested against the sending of such colonies to their 
respective territories. Under these circumstances, I ha^ e 



^._^^^^^^*ii^;^g£>i. 




5, 5 , rAXojVy^ 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 257 

declined to move any such colony to any State without 
first obtaining the consent of its government, with an agree- 
ment on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all 
the rights of freemen; and I have, at the same time, offered 
to the several States situated within the tropics, or having 
colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary 
emigration of persons of that class to their respective ter- 
ritories upon conditions which shall be equal, just and hu- 
mane. Liberia and Hayti are, as yet, the only countries to 
which colonists of African descent from here could go with 
certainty of being received and adopted as citizens; and I 
regret to say such persons, contemplating colonization, do 
not seem so willing to migrate to those countries, as to some 
others, nor so willing as I think their interest demands. I 
believe, however, opinion] among them in this respect, is 
improving; and that, ere long, there will be an augmented 
and considerable migration to both these countries, from 
the United States. * * * 

I have favored the project for connecting the United 
States with Europe by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar 
project to extend the telegraph from San Francisco, to 
connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line which is being 
extended across the Russian empire. 

The Territories of the United States, with unimportant 
exceptions, have remained undisturbed by the civil war; 
and they are exhibiting such evidence of prosperity as 
justifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a 
condition to be organized as States, and be constitutionally 
admitted into the Federal Union. 

The immense mineral resources of some of those Terri- 
tories ought to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every 
step in that direction would have a tendency to improve the 
revenues of the Government, and diminish the burdens of the 



.J 



258 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

people. It is worthy of your serious consideration whether 
some extraordinary measures to promote that end caimot 
be adopted. The means which suggest itself as most Ukely 
to be effective, is a scientific exploration of the mineral 
regions in those Territories, with a view to the publication 
of its results at home and in foreign countries — results 
which cannot fail to be auspicious. The condition of the 
finances will claim your most diligent consideration. The 
vast expenditures incident to the military and naval opera- 
tions required for the suppression of the rebellion, have 
hitherto been met with a promptitude and certainty 
unusual in similar circumstances; and the public credit 
has been fully maintained. The continuance of the war, 
however, and the increased disbursements made necessary 
by the augmented forces now in the field, demand your 
best reflections as to the best modes of providing the 
necessary revenue, without injury to business, and with 
the least possible burdens upon labor. 

The suspension of specie payments by the banks, soon 
after the commencement of your last session, made large 
issues of United States notes unavoidable. In no other 
way could the payment of the troops, and the satisfaction 
of other just demands, be so economically, or so well pro- 
vided for. The judicious legislation of Congress, securing 
the receivability of these notes for loans and internal duties, 
and making them a legal tender for other debts, has made 
them an universal currency; and has satisfied, partially, at 
least, and for the time, the long felt want of an uniform 
circulating medium, saving thereby to the people im- 
mense sums in discounts and exchanges. 

A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest 
period compatible with due regard to all interests con- 
cerned, should ever be kept in view. Fluctuations in the 
value of currency are always injurious, and to reduce these 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 259 

fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a 
leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility, prompt 
and certain convertibility into coin, is generally acknowl- 
edged to be the best and the surest safeguard against them ; 
and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of 
United States notes, payable in coin, and sufficiently large 
for the wants of the people, can be permanently, usefully 
and safely maintained. 

Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary 
provision for the public wants can be made, and the great 
advantages of a safe and uniform currency secured? 

I laiow of none which promises so certain results, and is, 
at the same time, so unobjectionable, as the organization of 
banking associations, under a general act of Congress, well 
guarded in its provisions. To such associations the Gov- 
ernment might furnish circulating notes, on the security 
of the United States bonds deposited in the treasury. These 
notes, prepared under the supervision of proper officers, 
being uniform in appearance and security, and convertible 
always into coin, would at once protect labor against the 
evils of a vicious currency, and facilitate commerce by 
cheap and safe exchanges. 

A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds 
would compensate the United States for the preparation and 
distribution of the notes, and a general supervision of the 
system, and would lighten the burden of that part of the 
pubUc debt employed as securities. The public credit, 
moreover, would be greatly improved, and the negotiation 
of new loans greatly facilitated by the steady market de- 
mand for Government bonds which the adoption of the 
proposed system would create. 

It is an additional recommendation of the measure of 
considerable weight, in my judgment, that it would recon- 
cile, as far as possible, all existing interests, by the oppor- 



260 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

tuiiity offered to existing institutions to reorganize under 
the act, substituting only the secured uniform national 
circulation for the local and various circulations, secured 
and unsecured, now issued by them. 

The receipts into the treasury, from all sources, including 
loans, and balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal 
year ending on the 30th June, 1862, were $583,885,247.06, 
of which sum $-49,056,397.62 were derived from customs; 
$1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public lands 
$152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,787.64; 
from loans in all forms, $529,692,460.50. The remainder 
$2,257,065.80, was the balance from the last year. 

The disbursements during the same period were : for con- 
gressional, executive, and judicial purposes, $5,939,009.29; 
for foreign intercourse, $1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous 
expenses, including the mints, loans, post office deficiencies, 
collection of revenue, and other like charges, $14,129,771.50; 
for expenses under the Interior Department, $3,102,- 
985.52; under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; 
under the Navy Department, $42,674,569.69; for interest 
on public debt, $13,190,324.45; and for payment of public 
debt, including reimbursement of temporary loan, and re- 
demptions, $96,096,922.09; making an aggregate of $570,- 
841,700.25, and leaving a balance in the treasury on the 
first day of July, 1862, of $13,043,546.81. 

It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, ex- 
pended for reimbursements and redemption of public debt, 
being included also in the loans made, may be properly 
deducted, both from receipts and expenditures, leaving the 
actual receipts for the year, $487,788,324.97; and the 
expenditures, $474,744,778.16. * * * 

On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was 
issued by the Executive, a copy of which is herewith sub- 
mitted. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 261 

In accordance with the purpose expressed in the second 
paragraph of that paper, I now respectfully call your 
attention to what may be called "compensated emancipa- 
tion." 

A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people 
and its laws. The territory is the only part which is of 
certain durability. "One generation passeth away and 
another generation cometh, but the earth abideth forever." 
It is of the first importance to duly consider, and estimate, 
this ever-enduring part. That portion of the earth's sur- 
face which is owned and inhabited by the people of the 
United States, is well adapted to be the home of one national 
family; and it is not well adapted for two, or more. Its 
vast extent, and its variety of climate and productions, 
are of advantage, in this age, for one people, whatever they 
might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs and 
intelligence have brought these to be an advantageous 
combination for one united people. 

In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total 
inadequacy of disunion, as a remedy for the differences 
between the people of the two sections. I did so in language 
which I can not improve, and which, therefore, I beg to 
repeat : 

"One section of our country believes Slavery is right, 
and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is 
wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only 
substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the Con- 
stitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign 
slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law 
can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the 
jjeople imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body 
of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, 
and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be 
perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases after 



262 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

the separation of the sections, than before. The foreign 
slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ulti- 
mately revived without restriction in one section; while 
fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not 
be surrendered at all by the other. 

"Physically speaking, we can not seperate. We can 
not remove our respective sections from each other, nor 
build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife 
may be divorced, and go out of the presence, and beyond 
the reach of each other; but the different parts of our 
country can not do this. They cannot but remain face to 
face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must con- 
tinue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that 
intercourse more advantageous, or more satisfactory, ajter 
separation than hejorc? Can aliens make treaties easier 
than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more 
faithfully enforced between aliens, than laws can among 
friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; 
and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on 
either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as 
to terms of intercourse, are again upon you." 

There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a 
National boundary, upon which to divide. Trace through, 
from east to west, upon the line between the free and 
slave country, and we shall find a little more than one- 
third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and 
populated, or soon to be populated, thickly, upon both 
sides; while nearly all its remaining length are merely 
surveyors' lines, over which people may walk back and 
forth without any consciousness of their presence. No 
part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, 
by writing it down on paper, or parchment, as a national 
boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up, 
on the part of the seceding section, the fugitive slave 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 263 

clause, along with all other constitutional obligations 
upon the section seceded from, while I should expect 
no treaty stipulation would ever be made to take its place. 
But there is another difficulty. The great interior 
region, bounded east by the Alleghanies, north by the 
British Dominions, west by the Rocky Mountains, and 
south by the line along which the culture of corn and 
cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part 
of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, 
Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, 
and the Territories of Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Col- 
orado, already has above ten millions of people, and will 
have fifty millions within fifty years, if not prevented by 
any political folly or mistake. It contains more than 
one-third of the country owned by the United States — 
certainly more than one million of square miles. Once 
half as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would 
have more than seventy-five millions of people. A glance 
at the map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the 
great body of the Republic. The other parts are but 
marginal borders to it. The magnificent region sloping 
west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the 
deepest, and also the richest, in undeveloped resources. 
In the production of provisions, grains, grasses, and all 
which proceed from them, this great interior region is 
naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascer- 
tain from the statistics the small proportion of the region 
which has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the 
large and rapidly increasing amount of its products, 
and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of 
the prospect presented. And yet this region has no 
sea-coast, touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one 
nation, its people now find, and may forever find, their 
way to Europe by New York, to South America and 



264 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco. 
But separate our common country into two nations, as 
designed by the present rebellion, and every man of this 
great interior region is thereby cut off from some one or 
more of these outlets, not, perhaps, by a physical barrier, 
but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. 

And this is true, wherever a dividing or boimdary 
line may be fixed. Place it between the now free and 
slave country, or place it south of Kentucky, or north of 
Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none south of it 
can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north 
of it can trade to any port or place south of it, except 
upon terms dictated by a government foreign to them. 
These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable 
to the well-being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, 
this vast interior region. Which of the three may be 
the best, is no proper question. All are better than 
either; and all, of right, belong to that people, and to 
their successors forever. True to themselves, they will 
not ask where a line of separation shall be, but will vow, 
rather, that there shall be no such line. Nor are the 
marginal regions less interested in these communications to 
them and through them to the great outside world. They, 
too, and each of them, must have access to this Eg3'pt 
of the West, without paying toll at the crossing of any 
national boundary. 

Our National strife springs not from our permanent 
part; not from the land we inhabit; not from our National 
homestead. There is no possible severing of this, but 
would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us. In 
all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands union, and 
abhors separation. In fact, it would, ere long, force 
reunion, however much of blood and treasure the separa- 
tion might have cost. 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 265 

Our strife pertains to ourselves — to the passing genera- 
tions of men; and it can, without convulsion, be hushed 
forever with the passing of one generation. 

In this view, I recommend the adoption of the follow- 
ing resolution and articles amendatory to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States: 

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America in Congress assembled, 
(two-thirds of both Houses concurring,) That the follow- 
ing articles be proposed to the Legislatures (or conventions) 
of the several States as amendments to the Constitution 
of the United States, all or any of which articles, when 
ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures (or con- 
ventions), to be valid as part or parts of the said Con- 
stitution, viz. : 

" Article — . Every State, wherein slavery now exists, 
which shall abolish the same therein, at any time, or 
times, before the first day of January, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand and nine hundred, shall receive com- 
pensation from the United States as follows, to-wit: 

"The President of the United States shall deliver, to 
every such State, bonds of the United States, bearing 

interest at the rate of per cent, per annum, to an 

amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each 

slave shown to have been therein, by the eighth census 
of the United States, said bonds to be delivered to such 
State by installments, or in one parcel, at the completion 
of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been 
gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest 
shall begin to run upon any such bond, only from the 
proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. Any State, 
having received bonds as aforesaid, and afterward re-in- 
troducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to 



266 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

the United States the bonds so received, or the value 
thereof, and all interest paid thereon. 

"Article — . All slaves who shall have enjoyed 
actual freedom by the chances of the war, at any time 
before the end of the rebelhon, shall be forever free, but 
all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, shall 
be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provided 
for States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such 
way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. 

" Article — . Congress may appropriate money, and 
otherwise pro^^de for colonizing free colored persons, 
with their own consent, at any place or places without 
the United States." 

I beg indulgence to cUscuss these proposed articles 
at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could 
never have existed; without slavery it could not con- 
tinue. 

Among the friends of the Union, there is great diversity 
of sentiment, and of police, in i-egard to slaver}^, and the 
African race among us. Some would perpetuate slavery; 
some would abolish it suddenly, and without compensa- 
tion : some would abolish it gradually, and with compensa- 
tion; some would remove the freed people from us, and 
some would retain them with us; and there are yet 
other minor diversities. Because of these divei'sities, we 
waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. By 
mutual concession we should harmonize, and act together. 
This would be compromise; but it would be compromise 
among the friends, and not with the enemies of the Union. 
These articles are intended to embody a plan of such 
mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is 
assumed that emancipation will follow, at least iu several 
of the States. 

As to the first article, the main points are: first, the 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 267 

emancipation; secondly, the length of time for consum- 
mating it — thirty-seven years; and thirdly, the com- 
pensation. 

The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates 
of perpetual slavery; but the length of time should greatly 
mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares both 
races from the evils of sudden derangement — in fact, 
from the necessity of any derangement — while most 
of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed 
by the measure, will have passed away before its consum- 
mation. They will never see it. Another class, will 
hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate 
the length of time. They will feel that it gives too 
little to the now living slaves. But it really gives them 
much. It saves them from the vagrant destitution 
which must largely attend immediate" emancipation 
in localities where their numbers are very great; and it 
gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall 
be free forever. The plan leaves to each State, choosing 
to act under it, to abolish slavery now, or at the end of 
the century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees, 
extending over the whole or any part of the period; and 
it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides 
for compensation, and, generally, the mode of making 
it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the dissatis- 
faction of those who favor perpetual slavery, and especially 
of those who are to receive the compensation. Doubtless, 
some of those who are to pay, and not to receive, will 
object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. 
In a certain sense, the liberation of slaves is the destruc- 
tion of property — property acquired by descent, or by 
purchase, the same as any other property. It is no less 
true for having been often said, that the people of the 
South are not more responsible for the original introduc- 



268 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

tion of this property, than are the people of the North: 
and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all 
use cotton and sugar and share the profits of dealing 
in them, it may not be quite safe to say, that the South 
has been more responsible than the North for its con- 
tinuance. If, then, for a common object, this property 
is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a com- 
mon charge? 

And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, 
we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this means, 
better than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical 
to do it? Let us consider it then. Let us ascertain the 
sum we have expended in the war since compensated 
emancipation was proposed last March, and consider 
whether, if that measure had peen promptly accepted, 
by even some of the slave States, the same sum 
would not have done more to close the war, than 
has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would 
save money, and in that \dew, would be a prudent 
and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay 
something as it is to pay nothing; but it is easier to pay a 
large sum, than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to 
pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it before 
we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires 
them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for com- 
pensated emancipation, of course, would be large. But it 
would require no ready cash; nor the bonds even, any 
faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, 
and probably would not, close before the end of the thirty- 
seven years. At that time we shall probably have a hun- 
dred millions of people to share the burden, instead of 
thirty-one millions, as now. And not only so, but the in- 
crease of our population may be expected to continue for a 
long time after that period, as rapidly as before ; because 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 269 

our territory will not have become full. I do not state 
this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which 
we have maintained, on an average, from our first National 
census, in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have 
a population of 103,208,415. And why may we not con- 
tinue that ratio far beyond that period? Our abundant 
room — our broad National homestead — is our ample re- 
source. Were our territory as limited as are the British 
Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as 
stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born, as now, we 
should be compelled to send part of the native born away. 
But such is not our condition. We have two millions nine 
hundred and sixty-three thousand square miles. Europe 
has three millions eight hundred thousand, with a popu- 
lation averaging seventy-three and one-third persons to the 
square mile. Why may not our country, at some time, 
average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste 
surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other 
causes? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage? 
If, then, we are, at some time, to be as populous as Europe, 
how soon? As to when this may be, we can judge by the 
past antl the present; as to when it will be, if ever, depends 
nmch on whether we maintain the Union. Several of 
our States are already above the average of Europe — sev- 
enty-three and a third to the square mile. Massachu.setts 
has 155; Rhode Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York 
and New Jersey, each, 80. Also two other great States, 
Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the former having 
ing 63 and the latter 59. Tlie States already above the 
European average, except New York, have increased in as 
rapid a ratio, since passing that point, as ever before; 
while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our 
country, in natural capacity for sustaining a dense popula- 
tion. 



270 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its popu- 
lation and ratio of increase, for tlie several decennial 
periods, to be as follows: 

1790 3,929,827 

1800 5,305,937 35.02 per cent, ratio of increase. 

1810 7,239,814 36.45 " 

1820 9,638,131 33.13 " ^ 

1830 12,866,020 33.49 " 

1840 17,069,457 32.67 " " 

1850 23,191,876 35.87 " 

1860 31,443,790 35.58 " 

This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per 
cent, in population through the seventy years from our first, 
to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of 
increase, at no one of these seven periods, is either two per 
cent, below, or two per cent, above, the average, thus show- 
ing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, the law 
of increase, in our case, is. Assuming that it will continue, 
gives the following results: 

1870 ■ 42,323,341 

1880 56,967,216 

1890 . 76,677,872 

1900 103,208,415 

1910 138,918,520 

1920 •• 186,984,335 

1930 251,680,914 

These figures show that our country may be as populous 
as Europe now is, at some point between 1920 and 1930 — 
say about 1925 — our territory, at seventy-three and a third 
persons to the square mile, being the capacity to contain 
217,186,000. 

And we luill reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relin- 
quish the chance, by the folly and evil of disunion, or by 
long and exhausting war, springing from the only great 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 271 

element of National discord among us. AMiile it cannot be 
foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession 
breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, 
civilization and prosperity, no one can doubt that the ex- 
tent of it would be very great and injurious. 

The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, per- 
petuate peace, insure this increase of population, and pro- 
portionately the wealth of the country. With these, we 
should pay all the emancipation would cost, together with 
our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt 
without it. If we had allowed our old National debt to run 
at six per cent, per annum, simple interest, from the end of 
our Revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying 
anything on either principal or interest, each man of us 
would owe less upon that debt now, than each man owed 
upon it then; and this because our increase of men, through 
the whole period, has been greater than six per cent,; 
has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, 
time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its popula- 
tion increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on 
its debt. 

This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of 
what is justly due; but it shows the great importance of 
time in this connection — the great advantage of a policy by 
which we shall not have to pay until we number a hundred 
millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay 
now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, 
it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war, 
than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. 
And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It 
will be a saving of both. 

As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable 
to return to bondage the class of persons therein contem- 
plated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense, 



272 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

belong to loyal owners; and hence, provision is made in 
this article for compensating such. 

The third article relates to the future of the freed people. 
It does not oblige, but merely authorizes Congress to aid in 
colonizing such as may consent. This ought not to be re- 
garded as objectionable, on the one hand, or on the other, 
in so much as it comes to nothing, unless by the mutual 
consent of the people to be deported, and the American 
voters, through their representatives in Congress. 

I can not make it better known than it already is, 
that I strongly favor colonization. And yet I wish to 
say there is an objection urged against free colored 
persons remaining in the country, which is largely imagi- 
nary, if not sometimes malicious. 

It is insisted that their presence would injure, and 
displace white labor and white laborers. If there ever 
could be a proper time for mere catch arguments that 
time surely is not now. In times like the present, men 
should utter nothing for which they would not willingly 
be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, 
then, that colored people can displace any more white 
labor by being free, than by remaining slaves? If they 
stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; 
if they leave their old places, they leave them open to 
white laborers. Logically, there is neither more nor 
less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, 
would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and, 
very surely, would not reduce them. Thus, the customary 
amount of labor would still have to be performed; the 
freed people would surely not do more than their old 
proportion of it, and very probably, for a time, would 
do less, leaving an increased part to white laborers, bring- 
ing their labor into greater demand, and, consequently, 
enhancing the wages of it. With deportation, even to 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 273 

a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor is mathe- 
matically certain. Labor is like any other commodity 
in the market— increase the demand for it, and you 
increase the price of it. Reduce the supply of black 
labor, by colonizing the black laborer out of the country 
and, by precisely so much, you increase the demand for, 
and wages of, white labor. 

But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm 
forth and cover the whole land? Are they not already in 
the land? Will liberation make them any more numerous? 
Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country, 
and there would be but one colored to seven whites. 
Could the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven? 
There are many communities now, having more than one 
free colored person to seven whites; and this without 
any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District 
of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and Delaware, 
are all in this condition. The District has more than 
one free colored to six whites; and yet, in its frequent 
petitions to Congress, I believe it has never presented 
the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. 
But why should emancipation South send the freed 
people North? People, of any color, seldom run luiless 
there be something to run from. Heretofore, colored 
people, to some extent, have fled North from bondage; 
and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. 
But if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, 
they will have neither to fiee from. Their old masters 
will give them wages, at least until new laborers can be 
procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give 
their labor for the wages, till new homes can be found 
for them, in congenial climes, and with people of their 
own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted 
on the mutual interests involved. And, in any event, 



274 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Ciin not the North decide for itself, whether to receive 
them? 

Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any 
case, has there been any irruption of colored people 
northward, because of the abolishment of slavery in this 
District last spring? 

What I have said of the proportion of free colored 
persons to the whites, in the District, is from the census 
of 1860, having no reference to persons called contra- 
bands, nor to those made free by the act of Congress 
abolishing slavery here. 

The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, 
not but that a restoration of the National authority 
would be accepted without its adoption. 

Nor will the war. nor proceedings under the proclama- 
tion of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of the 
recommendation of this plan. Its timely ado-ption, I 
doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay 
both. 

And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation 
that Congress provide by law for compensating any 
State which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall 
have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly renewed. 
Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the 
same arguments apply to both. 

This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclu- 
sion of but in addition to all others for restoring and 
preserving that National authority throughout the Union. 
The subject is presented exclusively in its economical 
aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace 
more speedily, and maintain it more permanently, than 
can be done by force alone; while all it would cost, con- 
sidering amounts, and manner of payment, and times 
of payment, would be easier paid than will be the addi- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 275 

tional cost of the war, if we rely solely upon force. It is 
much — very much — that it would cost no blood at all. 

The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional 
law. It can not become such without the concurrence 
of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and afterward, three- 
fourths of the States. The requisite three-fourths of the 
States will necessarily include seven of the Slave States. 
Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of 
their severally adopting emancipation, at no very distant 
day, upon the new constitutional terms. This assurance 
would end the struggle now, and save the Union for- 
ever. 

I do not forget the gravity which should characterize 
a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation, by the 
Chief Magistrate of the nation. Nor ck) I forget that 
some of you are my seniors; nor that many of you have 
more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. 
Yet, I trust, that in view of the great responsibility 
resting upon me, you will perceive no want of respect 
to yourselves, in any undue earnestness I may seem to 
display. 

Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, 
would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expenditure 
of money and of blood? Is it doubted that it would 
restore the National authority and National prosperity, 
and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we 
here — Congress and Executive — can secure its adoption? 
Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest 
appeal from us? Can we? Can they, by any other 
means, so certainly, or so speedily, assure these vital 
objects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not, 
" Can any of usimagine better? " but, " Canwe all do better?" 
Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, 
"Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past 



276 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion 
is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the 
occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew, 
and act anew. We must disinthrall ourselves, and then 
we shall save our country. 

Fellow-citizens, we can not escape liistory. We, of 
this Congress and this Administration, will be remembered 
in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insig- 
nificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery 
trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor 
or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are 
for the Union. The world will not forget that we say 
this. We know how to save the Union. The world 
knows we do know how to save it. We — even we here — 
hold the power, and bear the responsibility. In giving 
freedcm to the dare, we assure freedom to the free — 
honorable alike in what we give, and what we preserve. 
We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of 
earth. Other means may succeed: this could not fail. 
The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which, 
if followed, the world will forever- applaud, and God 
must forever bless. 

Abraham Lincoln. 

December 1, 1862. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE POPULAR VOICE IN 1863. 

The great popular reaction in favor of the Administra- 
tion of Mr. Lincoln, indicated by the spring elections, was 
fully apparent in the verdict of every loyal State in the 
autumn of 1863. In Ohio, the so-called Democratic 
organization, which had prevailed in that State by a 
small majority in October, 1862, put forward, as its 
canditate for Governor, a notorious Peace Democrat 
named Vallandigham, whose action, while a member 
of the previous Congress, had been in strict conform- 
ity with his avowed motto: "Not a man or a dollar 
for the war." To such an extent was his support of the 
rebellion carried, by haranguing his followers, and all 
who would hear him, against the Government and the 
measures it had adopted in the prosecution of the war, 
that he had been arrested by Gen. Burnside, then in 
command of the Department including Ohio, tried for 
his treasonable practices, convicted, and ordered to be sent 
through the lines of our army to his friends at the South. 
The proceedings under which he was thus condemned, 
were fully reviewed before the United States District 
Court at Cincinnati, on a motion for a writ of habeas 
corpus, and sustained by the decision of Judge Leavitt. 
It may be added that this action was further confirmed 
several months later, on a hearing before the Supreme 
Court of the United States. Hon. John Brough, the 
Administration candidate was chosen Governor of Ohio, 
after a protracted and earnest canvass, by more than 
100.000 majority over Vallandigham. 

277 



278 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

During the earlier, as well as the later, elections of 
this year, a prominent issue before the people was the 
course of the Administration in regard to Emancipation. 
Both at home and abroad, this policy had proved an 
element of great strength in shaping pubhc opinion favor- 
ably to ]\Ir. Lincoln. It identified his Administration, 
from the day this great step was taken, with not only 
a most effective means for suppressing the rebellion, 
but also with a measure in accordance with the high 
behests of justice, and the clearest interests of civiliza- 
tion and humanity. At the beginning of the year, the 
President received a gratifying testimonial of sympathy 
and confidence from the workingmen of Manchester, 
in England, and of their warm appreciation, especially, 
of his action in issuing the Proclamation of Emancipa- 
tion. To this address, Mr. Lincoln sent the following 
reply: 

Executive Mansion, I 

Washington, January 19, 1863. j 
To THE Workingmen of Manchester: I have the 
honor to acknowledge the receipt of the address and 
resolutions which you sent me on the eve of the new year. 
When I came, on the 4th of March, 1861, through a 
free and constitutional election, to preside in the Govern- 
ment of the Ignited States, the country was found at 
the verge of civil war. Whatever might have been the 
cause, or whosesoever the fault, one duty, paramount 
to all others, was before me, namely, to maintain and 
preserve at once the Constitution and the integrity of 
the Federal Republic. A coascientious purpose to per- 
form this duty is the key to all the measures of admin- 
istration which have been, and to all which will hereafter 
be pursued. Under our frame of goverimient and my 
official oath, I could not depart from this purpose if I 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 279 

would. It is not always in the power of governments 
to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral results which 
follow the poUcies that they may deem it necessary, 
for the public safety, from time to time to adopt. 

I have understood well that the duty of self-preserva- 
tion rests solely with the American people. But I have, 
at the same time, been aware that the favor or disfavor 
of foreign nations might have a material influence in 
enlarging and prolonging the struggle with disloyal men 
in which the country is engaged. A fair examination 
of history has seemed to authorize a belief that the past 
action and influences of the United States were generally 
regarded as having been beneficial toward mankind. 
I have, therefore, reckoned upon the forbearance of 
nations. Circumstances — to some of which you kindly 
allude — induced me especially to expect that, if justice 
and good faith should be practiced by the United States, 
they would encounter no hostile influence on the part 
of Great Britain. It is now a pleasant duty to acknowl- 
edge the demonstration you have given of your desire 
that a spirit of peace and amity toward this country may 
prevail in the councils of your Queen, who is respected 
and esteemed in your own country only more than she 
is by the kindred nation which has its home on this side 
of the Atlantic. 

I Imow, and deeply deplore, the sufferings which the 
workingmen at Manchester, and in all Europe, are called 
to endure in this crisis. It has been often and studiously 
represented that the attempt to overthrow this Govern- 
ment, which was built upon the foundation of human 
rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest ex- 
clusively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain 
the favor of Europe. Through the action of our disloyal 
citizens, the workingmen of Europe have been subjected 



280 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

to severe trial, for the purpose of forcing their sanction to 
that attempt. Under these circumstances, I cannot but 
regard your decisive utterances upon the question as an 
instance of subHme Christian heroism, which has not been 
surpassed in any age or in any country It is indeed an 
energetic and reinspiring assurance of the inherent power 
of truth, and of the ultimate and universal triumph of 
justice, humanity and freedom. I do not doubt that the 
sentiments you have expressed will be sustained by your 
great nation; and, on the other hand, I have no hesitation 
in assuring you that they will excite admiration, esteem, 
and the most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the 
American people. I hail this interchange of sentiment, 
therefore, as an augury that, whatever else may happen, 
whatever misfortune may befall your country or my own, 
the peace and friendship which now exist between the two 
nations will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, per- 
petual. Abraham Lincoln. 

Later in the season, Mr. Lincoln was invited to revisit 
Ids home in Springfield, on the occasion of a mass meeting 
of the people of Illinois, who were unconditionally for the 
Union, to be held at that place. The letter addressed by 
him, in reply, to the chairman of the Committee of Invita- 
tion, an esteemed personal friend, was published at the 
time, and received with satisfaction by the loyal people of 
the country. The subject of Emancipation is again treated 
therein, after discussing the possible terms of peace, and 
the issue brought directly home to the minds of the people, 
with pointed force and sunlike clearness. The letter is in 
these words: 

Executive Mansion, Washington, 
August 26, 1863. 
My Dear Sir : Your letter inviting me to attend a mass 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 281 

meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the 
capital of Illinois on the .3d day of September, has been 
received. It would be very agreeable to me thus to meet 
my old friends at my own home; but I cannot just now be 
absent from this city so long as a visit there would require. 

The meeting is to be of all those who maintain uncondi- 
tional devotion to the Union, and I am sure that my old 
political friends will thank me for tendering as I do, the 
nation's gratitude to those other noble men whom no par- 
tisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's 
life. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To 
such I would say: You desire peace, and you blame me 
that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? There 
are but three conceivable ways: First, to suppress the 
rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are 
you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are 
not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am 
against this. If you are, you should say so, plainly. If 
you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only re- 
mains some imaginable compromise. 

I do not believe that any compromise embracing the 
maintenance of the LInion is now possible. All that I learn 
leails to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the 
rebellion is its military — its army. That army dominates 
all the country and all the people within its range. Any 
offer of any terms made by any man or men within that 
range in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the 
present, because such man or men have no power whatever 
to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made 
with them. To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the 
South and peace men of the North get together in conven- 
tion, and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing the 
restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise 
be used to keep Gen.I-ee's army out of Pennsylvania? Gen. 



282 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, 
and I think can ultimately drive it out of existence. But 
no paper compromise to which the controllers of Gen. Lee's 
army are not agreed, can at all affect that army. In an 
effort at such compromise we would waste time, which the 
enemy would improve to our disadvantage, and that would 
be all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either 
with those who control the Rebel army, or \vith the people, 
first liberated from the domination of that army by the 
success of our army. Now, allow me to assure you that no 
word or intimation from the Rebel army, or from any of the 
men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, 
has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and 
intimations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. 
And I promise you that if any such proposition shall here- 
after come, it shall not be rejected and kept secret from 
you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the 
people, acconling to the bond of service, the United States 
Constitution; and that, as such, I am responsible to them. 

But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the 
negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between 
you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that 
all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I 
have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is 
not consistent with even your view, provided you are for 
the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation, to 
which you replied that you wished not to be taxed to buy 
negroes. But I have not asked you to be taxed to buy 
negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater 
taxation, to save the Union exclusively by other means. 

You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and per- 
haps M'ould have it retracted. You say it is unconstitu- 
tional. I think differently. I think that the Constitution 
invests its Commander-in-chief with the law of war in the 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 283 

time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is 
that the slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been 
any question that by the law of war, property, both of ene- 
mies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it 
not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy? 
Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when 
they can not use it; and even destroy their own to keep 
it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their 
power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a 
few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among 
the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and 
noncombatants, male and female. But the proclama- 
tion, as law, is valid or is not valid. If it is not valid, 
it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it can not be retracted, 
any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some 
of you profess to think that its retraction would operate 
favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction 
than before the issue? There was more than a year 
and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the 
proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of 
which passed under an explicit notice, that it was coming 
unless averted by those in revolt returning to their alle- 
giance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably 
for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I 
know as fully as one can know the opinions of others, 
that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, 
who have given us our most important victories, believe 
the emancipation policy and the aid of colored troops 
constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, 
and that at least one of those important successes could 
not have been achieved when it was but for the aid of 
black soldiers. Among the commanders holding these 
views are some who have never had any affinity with 
what is called abolitionism, or with "republican party 



284 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

politics," but who hold them purely as military opinions. 
I submit their opinions as being entitled to some weight 
against the objections often urged that emancipation 
and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, 
and were not adopted as such in good faith. 

You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some 
of them seem to be willing to fight for you — but no matter. 
Fight you, then, exclusively to save the Union. I issued 
the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the 
Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance 
to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it 
will be an apt time then for you to declare that you will 
not fight to free negroes. I thought that, in your struggle 
for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should 
cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the 
enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? 
I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as 
soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do 
in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? 
But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. ^Vhy 
should they do anything for us, if we will do nothing 
for them? If they stake their lives for us, they must 
be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise 
of freedom. And the promise, being made, must be kept. 

The signs look better. The Father of AVaters again 
goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great North- 
west for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred 
miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, 
and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The sunny 
South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. 
On the spot their part of the history was jotted down 
in black and white. The job was a great National one, 
and let none be banned who bore an honorable part in 
it; and, while those who have cleared the great river may 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 



285 



well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that 
any thing has been more bravely and better done than 
at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many 
fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be 
forgotten. At all the waters' margins they have been 
present: not only on the deep sea, the broad bay and the 
rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou; and 
wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been 
and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the great 
Republic — for the principles by which it lives and keeps 
alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. Peace 
does not appear so far distant as it did. I hope it will 
come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth 
the keeping in all future time. It will then have been 
proved that among freemen there can be no successful 
appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who 
take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the 
cost. And then there will be some black men who can 
remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, 
and steady eye, and well poised bayonet, they have 
helped mankind on to this great consummation; while I 
fear that there will be some white men unable to forget 
that, with malignant heart and deceitful speech, they 
have striven to hinder it. 

Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final triumph. 
Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, 
never doubting that a just God, in His own good time, 
will give us the rightful result. 

Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln. 

James C. Conkling, Esq. 



Mr. Lincoln, whose gratitude to the gallant soldiers 
who have rallied at the call of their country, and whose 
proud satisfaction in their heroic conduct on so many 



286 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

battle-fields has been constantly manifested, was unwill- 
ing to decline the invitation to be present on the solemn 
occasion of consecrating a National Cemetery at Gettys- 
burg, for the fallen in the sanguinary conflicts at that 
place, in July, 1863. No truer or tenderer sjrmpathy 
than his, for the brave dead and for their surviving friends, 
ever had place in any human breast. The elaborate 
eloquence of our most accomplished orator, Edward 
Everett, and the presence of an innumerable multitude 
of people, added a solemn grandeur to the ceremonies 
of the day. But no fitter or more touching words were 
spoken than these of Mr. Lincoln: 

Address at Gettysburg, Nov. 19, 1863. 

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought 
forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in 
Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men 
are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil 
war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so con- 
ceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met 
on a great battle-field of that war. We are met to dedicate 
a portion of it as the final resting-place of those who here 
gave their lives that that nation might live. It is alto- 
gether fitting and proper that we should do this. 

But in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not 
consecrate, we can not hallow this ground. The brave 
men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated 
it far above our power to add or detract. The world will 
little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can 
never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, 
rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work that they 
have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be 
here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — 
that from these honored dead we take increased devotion 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 287 

to the cause for which they here gave the last full meas- 
ure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that the 
dead shall not have died in vain — that the nation shall, 
under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that the 
Government of the people, by the people, and for the people 
shall not perish from the earth. 

After the decisive advantages gained by our arms, 
the rebellion being substantially at an end in the States 
of Louisiana, Tennessee and Arkansas, and movements 
for their reorganization under loyal local governments 
already under consideration by the people of those States, 
some indication of the President's policy for restoring 
order and law, in the territory reconquered from armed 
Rebels, was naturally expected by tlie people. Mr. 
Lincoln, as the meeting of Congress approached, had 
given his earnest attention to this difficult subject — 
now become one of the highest practical moment. By 
an act approved July 17, 1862, Congress had provided: 

That the President is hereby authorized, at any time 
hereafter, by proclamation, to extend to persons who 
may have participated in the existing rebellion in any 
State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such ex- 
ceptions, and at such time, and on such conditions, as 
he may deem expedient for the public welfare. 

In the judgment of Mr. Lincoln, the fitting time 
had now come for exercising this power. Among the 
"conditions" which he was autliorized to prescribe, 
very clearly, good faith and consistency required him to 
include an effective one for carrying out his policy of 
Emancipation. This and other considerations also made 
it indispensable that he should indicate — without in- 
flexibly prescribing, as he did not — an acceptable mode 



288 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of reorganizing loyal State Governments. The result 
of his deliberations was set forth simultaneously with 
the publication of his annual message, in the celebrated 
paper following- 

A Proclamation. 

Whereas, In and by the Constitution of the United 
States, it is provided that the President "shall have power 
to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the 
United States, except in cases of impeachment;" and 
whereas, a rebellion now exists M'hereby the loyal State 
Governments of several States have for a long time been 
subverted, and many persons have committed and are 
now guilty of treason against the United States: and 
whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, 
laws have been enacted by Congress declaring forfeitures 
and confiscation of property and liberation of slaves, 
all upon terms and conditions therein stated; and also 
declaring that the President was thereby authorized 
at any time thereafter, by proclamation, to extend to 
persons who may have participated in the existing rebellion 
in any State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with 
such exceptions and at such times and on such condi- 
tions as he may deem expedient for the public welfare: 
and whereas, the Congressional declaration for limited 
and conditional pardon accords with well-established 
judicial exposition of the pardoning power; and whereas, 
wdth reference to sf.id rebellion, the President of the 
United States has issued several proclamations with pro- 
visions in regard to the liberation of slaves; and whereas, 
it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged in 
said rebeUion to resume their allegiance to the United 
States and to re-inaugura\te loyal State Governments within 
and for their respective States; therefore, 




GEN. ULYSSES S. GRANT. 




HON, SAL..ION P. CHASE 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 289 

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
do proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons 
who have, directly or by implication, participated in the 
existing rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, that 
a full pardon is hereby granted to them and each of them, 
with restoration of all rights of property, except as to 
slaves, and in property cases where rights of third parties 
shall have intervened, and upon the condition that every 
such person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thence- 
forward keep and maintain said oath inviolate; and 
which oath shall be registered for permanent preserva- 
tion, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to-wit : 

"I, , do solemnly swear, in presence of 

Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, 
protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, 
and the Union of the States thereunder ; and that I will, in 
like manner, abide by and faithfully support all acts 
of Congress passed during the existing rebellion with 
reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed, 
modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of 
the Supreme Court; and that I will, in like manner, abide 
by and faithfully support all proclamations of the Pres- 
ident made during the existing rebellion having reference 
to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared 
void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me 
God." 

The persons excepted from the benefits of the fore- 
going provisions are all who are, or shall have been, civil 
or diplomatic officers or agents of the so-called Confed- 
erate Government; all who have left judicial stations under 
the United States to aid the rebellion; all who are, or 
shall have been, military or naval officers of the said 
so-called Confederate Government, above the rank of 
colonel in the army, or of lieutenant in the navy; all 



290 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

who left seats in the United States Congress to aid the 
rebellion; all who resigned commissions in the Army 
or Navy of the United States, and afterward aided the 
rebellion; and all who have engaged in any way in treating 
colored persons, or white persons in charge of such, other- 
wise than lawfully as prisoners of war, and which persons 
may have been found in the United States service as 
soldiers, seamen, or in any other capacity. 

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, 
that whenever, in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, 
Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, 
Florida, South Carolina, and North Carolina, a number 
of persons, not less than one-tenth in number of the 
votes cast in such State at the Presidential election of 
the year of our Lord 1860, each having taken the oath 
aforesaid, and not having since violated it, and being 
a qualified voter by the election law of the State existing 
immediately before the so-called act of secession, and 
excluding all others, shall re-establish a State Government 
which shall be republican, and in no wise contravening 
said oath, such shall be recognized as the true Government 
of the State, and the State shall receive thereunder the 
benefits of the constitutional provision which declares 
that "the United States shall guarantee to every State 
in this Union a republican form of government, and 
shall protect each of them against invasion; and on appli- 
cation of the Legislature, or the Executive, (when the 
Legislature, can not be convened,) against domestic 
violence." 

And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known 
that any provision which may be adopted by such State 
Government in relation to the freed people of such State, 
which shall recognize and declare their permanent freedom, 
provide for their education, and M-hich may yet be con- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 291 

sistent, as a temporary arrangement, with their present 
condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class, 
will not be objected to by the National Executive. And 
it is suggested as not improper, that, in constructing 
a loyal State Government in any State, the name of the 
State, the boundery, the subdivisions, the Constitition, 
and the general code of laws, as before the rebellion, 
be maintained, subject only to the modifications made 
necessary by the conditions hereinbefore stated, and 
such others, if any, not contravening said conditions, 
and which may be deemed expedient by those framing 
the new State Government. 

To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say 
that this proclamation, so far as it relates to State Govern- 
ments, has no reference to States wherein loyal State 
Governments have all the while been maintained. And 
for the same reason, it may be proper to further say 
that whether members sent to Congress from any 
State shall be admitted to seats constitutionally, rests 
exclusively with the respective Houses, and not to any 
extent with the Executive. And still further, that this 
proclamation is intended to present the people of the 
States wherein the National authority has been suspended, 
and loyal State Governments have been subverted, a 
mode in and by which the National authority and 
loyal State Governments may be re-established within 
said States, or in any of them; and, while the mode pre- 
sented is the best the Executive can suggest, with his 
present impressions, it must not be understood that no 
other possible mode would be acceptable. 

Given under my hand at the city of Washington, 

the 8th day of December, A. D. 1863, and of the 

[l. s.] Independence of the United States of America 

the eighty-eighth. Abraham Lincoln. 



292 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

Mr. Lincoln's Annual Message was sent in to Congress 
on the 9th day of December. This document — omitting 
only portions of less abiding interest — is as follows: 

Mr. Lincoln's Annual Message. 

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of 
Representatives: Another year of health and suffi- 
ciently abundant harvests has passed. For these, and 
especially for the improved condition of our National 
affairs, our renewed and profoundest gratitude to God 
is due. 

We remain in peace and friendship with foreign powers. 

The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States 
to involve us in foreign wars, to aid an inexcusable insur- 
rection, have been unavailing. Her Britannic Majesty's 
Government, as was justly expected, have exercised 
their authority to prevent the departure of new hostile 
expeditions from British ports. The Emperor of France 
has, by a like proceeding, promptly vindicated the neutral- 
ity which he proclaimed at the beginning of the contest. 
Questions of great intricacy and importance have arisen, 
out of the blockade and other belligerent operations, 
between the Government and several of the maritime 
powers, but they have been discussed, and, as far as was 
possible, accommodated in a spirit of frankness, justice, 
and mutual good will. It is especially gratifying that 
our prize courts, by the impartiality of their adjudica- 
tions, have commanded the respect and confidence of 
maritime powers. 

The supplement treaty between the United States 
and Great Britain for the suppression of the African 
slave-trade, made on the 17th day of February last, has 
been duly ratified, and carried into execution. It is 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 293 

believed that, so far as American ports and American 
citizens are concerned, that inhuman and odious traffic 
has been brought to an end. 

Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil war 
have forced upon my attention the uncertain state of 
international questions toucliing the rights of foreigners 
in this country and of United States citizens abroad. In 
regard to some Governments, these rights are at least par- 
tially defined by treaties. In no instance, however, is it 
expressly stipulated that, in the event of civil war, a 
foreigner residing in this country, within the lines of the 
insurgents, is to be exempted from the rule which classes 
him as a belligerent, in whose behalf the Government 
of his country can not expect any privileges or immunities 
distinct from that character. I regret to say, however, 
that such claims have been put forward, and, in some 
instances in behalf of foreigners who have lived in the 
United States the greater part of their lives. 

There is reason to believe that many persons born in 
foreign countries, who have declared their intention to 
become citizens, or who have been fully naturalized, 
have evaded the military duty required of them by denying 
the fact, and thereby throwing upon the Government 
the burden of proof. It has been found difficult or im- 
practicable to obtain this proof, from the want of guides 
to the proper sources of information. These might be 
supplied by requiring clerks of courts, where declarations 
of intention may be made or naturalizations effected, to 
send, periodically, lists of the names of the persons natural- 
ized, or declaring their intention to become citizens, 
to the Secretary of the Interior, in whose Department 
those names might be arranged and printed for general 
information. 

There is also reason to believe that foreigners fre- 



294 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

quently become citizens of the Ignited States for the sole 
purpose of evading duties imposed by the laws of their 
native countries, to which, on becoming naturalized 
here, they at once repair, and, though never returning to 
the United States, they still claim the interposition of this 
Government as citizens. Many altercations and great 
prejudices have heretofore arisen out of this abuse. It is, 
therefore, submitted to your serious consideration. It 
might be advisable to fix a limit, beyond which no citizen 
of the United States residing abroad may claim the inter- 
position of his Government. 

The right of suffrage has often been assumed and exer- 
cised by aliens, under pretenses of naturalization, which 
they have disavowed when drafted into the military 
service. I submit the expediency of such an amend- 
ment of the law as will make the fact of voting an estoppel 
against any plea of exemption from military ser\'ice, or 
other civil obligation, on the ground of ahenage 

The condition of the several organized Territories is 
generally satisfactory, although Indian disturbances in 
New Mexico have not been entirely suppressed. The 
mineral resources of Colorado, Nevada, Idaho, New Mexico 
and Arizona are proving far richer than has been hereto- 
fore understood. I lay before you a communication on 
this subject from the Governor of New Mexico. I again 
submit to your consideration the expediency of establish- 
ing a system for the encouragement of immigration. Al- 
though this source of National wealth and strength is 
again flowing with greater freedom than for several years 
before the insurrection occurred, there is still a great defi- 
ciency of laborers in every field of industry, especially in 
agriculture and in our mines, as well of iron and coal as of 
the precious metals. While the demand for labor is thus 
increased here, tens of thousands of persons, destitute of 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 295 

remunerative occupation, are thronging our foreign con- 
sulates, and offering to emigrate to tlie United States if es- 
sential but very cheap assistance can be afforded them. 
It is easy to see that, under the sharp discipline of civil 
war, the nation is beginning a new life. This noble effort 
demands the aid, and ought to receive the attention and 
support, of the Government. 

Injuries, unforeseen by the Government and unintended, 
may, in some cases, have been inflicted on the subjects or 
citizens of foreign countries, both at sea and on land, by 
persons in the service of the United States. As this Govern- 
ment expects redress from other Powers when similar in- 
juries are inflicted by persons in their service upon citizens 
of the United States, we must be prepared to do justice 
to foreigners. If the existing judicial tribunals are inade- 
quate to this purpose, a special court may be authorized, 
with power to hear and decide such claims of the character 
referred to as may have arisen under treaties and the 
public law. Conventions for adjusting the claims by joint 
commission have been proposed to some Governments, 
but no definite answer to the proposition has yet been 
received from any. 

In the course of the session, I shall probably have occa- 
sion to request you to provide indemnification to claim- 
ants where decrees of restitution have been rendered and 
damages awarded by admiralty courts, and in other 
cases, where this Government may be acknowledged 
to be liable in principle, and where the amount of that 
liability has been ascertained by an informal arbitration. 

The proper officers of the Treasury have deemed them- 
selves required, by the law of the LTnited States upon 
the subject, to demand a tax upon the incomes of foreign 
consuls in this country. While such demand may not, 
in strictness, be in derogation of public law, or perhaps 



296 Life of Abraham Lincoln. 

of any existing treaty between the United States and a 
foreign country, the expediency of so far modifying the 
act as to exempt from tax the income of such consuls 
as are not citizens of the United States, derived from 
the emoluments of their office, or from property not 
situated in the United States, is submitted to your serious 
consideration. I make this suggestion upon the ground 
that a comit}^ which ought to be reciprocated, exempts 
our consuls, in all other countries, from taxation to the 
extent thus indicated. The United vStates, I think, ought 
not to be exceptionably illiberal to international trade 
and commerce. 

The operations of the Treasury during the last year 
have been successfully conducted. The enactment by 
Congress of a National Banking Law has proved a valuable 
support of the public credit; and the general legislation 
in relation to loans has fully answered the expectations 
of its favorers. Some amendments may be required 
to perfect existing laws; but no change in their principles 
or general scope is believed to be needed. 

Since these measures have been in operation, all demands 
on the Treasury, including the pay of the Army and 
Navy, have been promptly met and fully satisfied. No 
considerable body of troops, it is beheved, were ever 
more amply provided, and more liberally and punctually 
paid; and it may be added that by no people were the 
burdens incident to a great war ever more cheerfully 
borne. 

The receipts during the year from all sources, including 
loans and the balance in the Treasury at its commence- 
ment, were $901,125,674.86, and the aggregate disburse- 
ments, $895,796,630.65, leaving a balance on the 1st 
of July, 1863, of $5,329,044.21. Of the receipts there 
were derived from customs $69,059,642.40; from inter- 



Life of Abraham Lincoln. 297 

nal revenue, $37,640,787.95; from direct tax, $1,485,103.61 ; 
from lands, $167,617.17; from miscellaneous sources, 
$3,046,615.35; and from loans, $776,682,361.57; making 
the aggregate, $901,125,674.86. Of the disbursements, 
there were for the civil service, $23,253,922.08; for pensions 
and Indians, $4,216,520.79; for interest on public debt, 
$24,729,846.51; for the War Department, $599,298,600.83; 
for the Navy Department, $63,211,105.27; for payment 
of funded and tem